Wednesday, July 07, 2010

Question

Isn't whining and retaliating like this by MSNBC and (apparently) Joe Scarborough pretty much the definition of "chickens**t"? MSNBC's excuse for banning Markos doesn't hold water by Greg Sargent The Plum Line 07/07/2010.

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Frustration on the Arizona anti-Latino law

This is frustrating to see. The Obama administration did file suit against implementation of the stop-and-search-the-brown-people law before it formally takes effect at the end of this month. But when they did, according to James Doty in The president who won't call racism racism Salon 07/07/2010, they presented a legal argument that may wind up producing a court decision that leaves the racial-harassment provisions of the law intact! He writes:

The government's complaint in the Arizona case, which challenges the law commonly referred to as SB 1070, asserts repeatedly that the law frustrates the federal government's ability to implement national immigration policy. (In legal parlance, the argument is that federal immigration law "preempts" state statutory enactments.) Entirely absent from the government's argument, though, is any claim that the law encourages officers to racially profile Hispanic residents and violate their Fourth Amendment protection from unreasonable searches -- the aspects of the law that many people find the most objectionable.

That’s surprising, because a preemption argument is unlikely to fell the most controversial provision of the law: the requirement that officers investigate the immigration status of any person they reasonably suspect is in the country illegally. The government's lawsuit argues that this mandate impermissibly burdens the federal bureaucracy, but it's hardly intuitive that verifying immigration status with federal officials would thwart the goals or policies of the feds. (To the contrary, federal law specifically authorizes state officers to verify immigration status with the federal government.) In contrast, the notion that that the law foists raced-based decisions on law enforcement officers offers both a more compelling storyline and firmer legal ground.
In legal and moral terms, this is just the wrong approach. In political terms, this is starting to look like yet another instance where Obama and the Democrats are handed a golden opportunity - in this case to shift major numbers of Latino voters to the Democrats and also to challenge the Republicans' toxic narrative on race-related issues - and the Dems trying hard to blow it. Fortunately, as Doty mentions in his article, the ACLU is mounting a legal challenge to those sections of the law.

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McChrystal's command style

Steven Metz gives an overview of the faults in Gen. Stanley McChrystal's command style in the specific context of the Afghanistan War (Why General Petraeus Is Better Suited for Our Afghanistan Mission Than General McChrystal Ever Was Entanglements 06/24/2010):

Had General McChrystal's configured his organization solely with the destruction of the enemy in mind (as with his Joint Special Operations Command in Iraq, which undertook what the military euphemistically terms "high-value targeting"), his command climate would have been well-matched. But its mission was counterinsurgency, a practice that requires its own skill sets, techniques, and procedures, and, finally, a unique and uniquely sensitive, politically sophisticated command climate.

The cliché contains a kernel of truth: the predominance of the political and the psychological distinguishes counterinsurgency from conventional warfare. Physical effects—what the military calls "kinetic" action—matter less than intangible and mostly psychological outcomes. The complexity of all this cannot be overstated. As a precondition for success, a commander and his organization need to cultivate different perceptions and expectations among multiple and very different audiences. They must persuade the enemy and its supporters that the insurgency has been doomed to failure but also that laying down one’s arms and surrendering offers honorable and realistic options. They must convince local allies—in this case the Afghan people, government, and security forces—that the United States will support them, given certain conditions but regardless of consequence. And they must convince the American people and their elites that the counterinsurgency deserves public support and, indeed, will culminate in something other than a bloody and protracted stalemate or defeat.

Put simply, a strategic communicator ought to know how to communicate. Some military leaders, even supremely talented combat commanders like General McChrystal, have been tested and found wanting in this regard. While there were already rumors swirling within the officer corps to this effect, the explosive Rolling Stone article makes this truth plain for all to see. The command climate at McChrystal's headquarters was keyed to fight a war, but hardly attuned to the psychological and political elements of strategic level counterinsurgency.
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Tuesday, July 06, 2010

Frankfurt School and social psychology

Leo Löwenthal provided a good general statement of the Frankfurt School's intellectual project in the 1930s, in his essay "Die Auffassung Dostojewskis im Vorkriegsdeutschland", Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung 1934/3:

Um eine Ideologie, um überhaupt ein gesellschaftliches Bewusstsein zu erklären, genügt es nicht, seine Bedingtheit durch die sozial-ökonomische Situation der Klasse aufzuweisen, der es angehört; vielmehr hat dieser Aufweis ergänzt zu werden durch das Studium der psychischen Mechanismen, welche die Verfestigung des ideologischen Gehalts bedingen und verstärken.

[In order to understand an ideology, in order to explain a social consciousness at all, it is not enough to show how it is conditioned by the socio-economic situation of the class to which it belongs. Rather, this identification has to be widened to include the study of the psychic mechanisms which condition and strengthen its ideological position.]
The Frankfurt School would apply this approach to their attempts to understand the mass mobilization methods of National Socialism in Germany and of Fascism in Italy. Their attention was focused primarily on Germany, because of their German and Jewish backgrounds and because Germany was by far the more powerful player in world politics. Germany had also been the country that, until 1918-19, had been expected by socialists all over the world to be the lead country in replacing capitalism with a socialist system in which major industries and finance would be controlled by a democratic state.

The Communists had viewed the Weimar Republic of 1918-1933 as a capitalist dictatorship, although in foreign policy Germany and the USSR were secretly cooperating militarily in a limited way. The KPD (German Communist Party) never participated in a Weimar governmental coalition.

But in much of Europe, particularly eastern Europe, the Weimar Republic was considered a model democracy. Its seemingly rapid decay, ending in the triumph of Hitler's NSDAP and the elimination of all other political parties in a swift series of events in early 1933, was a shock and challenge. First of all, a challenge to the physical safety and economic well-being of those inclined to actively oppose Nazism. But also a challenge to the understanding of the Social Democratic and Communist parties whotook an anti-capitalist position, but to liberal and conservative parties that actually supported democracy.

How could a model democracy like the Weimar Republic that had replaced the undemocratic Imperial government come to such a bad end? And how could people whose interests did not lay in a Nazi government either support or tolerate or allow to remain in power a dictatorship like Hitler's?

It wasn't just that supporters of those parties inside and outside Germany were assuming that their particular political positions were better than those of the NSDAP. A majority of German voters had consistently rejected the NSDAP in elections. Even in the one election after Hitler became Chancellor, that of March 1933, an election that could only be called semi-free at best and in which the Nazis were exercising considerable repression and drumming up hysteria over the infamous Reichstag Fire, the NSDAP failed to secure a majority. The NSDAP won only 44%, monarchist parties 8%. The parties most committed to Weimar democracy (Catholic Center Party, Liberal Democrats, Social Democrats) won over 30%, the KPD 12%.

Understanding why things had come to that pass, and what the socialist and democratic parties would have to do in order to win over those who had come to actively or passively support the Hitler regime became a continuing urgent priority and remained so until after the war. It's still important as an historical question, of course.

That's the immediate context of Löwenthal's statement above. It doesn't seem nearly so unusual today to talk about using the findings of psychology, which primarily focused on individual pathologies, to understand political and social dynamics. It is in no small part because of the Frankfurt School that the combination does not seem so exotic. The socialist parties in particular had focused on economic issues as the determining factor in understanding social consciousness. The Frankfurt School realized that the role of psychological factors, including the effects of family life, had to be much better understood. The famous postwar study by Theodor Adorno and others published as The Authoritarian Personality is one of the most famous example of examining those influences.

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Prosecuting officials responsible for crimes against humanity

Someday, we'll be writing things like that about American officials prosecuting the torture perpetrators from the Cheney-Bush administration. Because of the irresponsible and foolish Look Forward Not Back position that the Obama administration has taken on prosecuting public officials from the last administration for known criminal acts, there's a good chance the statute of limitations will run on many of the crimes committed.

But the statute of limitations doesn't run on torture crimes. Even if the US abolished the current laws prohibiting torture - and the next Republican administration could very well do that - international law still puts the most serious requirements on prosecuting torturers. Bush himself recently said explicitly that he had ordered the water torture, aka waterboarding, a crime about which there is no question (except in the minds of torture defenders) that this is torture and a very serious crime. The 1984 Convention for the Prevention of Torture requires the Obama Justice Department, as it did the Bush Justice Department, to prosecute known torture crimes. Not only do the torture crimes themselves have to prosecuted, but also the acts of any individuals in the Bush and Obama administration who tried to block prosecution of the torturers.

This isn't going away.

I was reminded of this once more the last few days by news of a new prosecution of criminal acts by senior government officials from the Argentine junta that ruled that country brutally from 1976 to 1983. This year makes 27 years since the fall of that government and its replacement by a parliamentary democracy that has endured ever since. And they are still prosecuting those who ordered criminal detentions, torture and murder during that dictatorship.

I could quickly reel off several reasons why those crimes shouldn't be compared to those committed by the Cheney-Bush administration in its Global War on Terror. The Argentine junta's justification for criminal acts was "terrorismo," the justification in the United States was "terrorism". Legally and morally speaking, the other arguments that the situations aren't comparable would be about as relevant. (Obviously, the very specific charges and legal citations would be particular to the future prosecutions of Cheney-Bush officials.)

But the fact that the Obama administration shamefully caved on its obligation to prosecute American torture perpetrators doesn't mean that the legal jeopardy of the perpetrators is over. I certainly hope that its well before the 27-year mark of 2033 before the American prosecutions will begin. But this one isn't going away.

I should note that one meaningful historical difference between Argentina and the US in this regard is that the senior junta officials were intially prosecuted in 1985; see my post Legal action after the Argentine junta of 1976-83 11/26/2008.

The torture crimes aren't going away. They are too significant, have too much of an effect on international law, and are seriously a strike at the heart of the rule of law in the United States.

For news on the current proceedings, see:

Videla se responsabilizó por la represión, pero la definió como una "guerra interna" Clarín 05.07.2010

Videla: 'Asumo mi responsabilidad por todo lo actuado por el Ejército' El Mundo/Reuters 05.07.2010

Nora Veiras, "Mis subordinados cumplieron mis órdenes" Página 12 06.07.2010

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New scapegoat to divert attention from BP?

If this article didn't carry Carolyn Lochhead's byline, I would be more inclined to take it on face value: Dead zone in gulf linked to ethanol production San Francisco Chronicle 07/06/2010. Her articles typically recite the conventional press corps wisdom of the moment that I'm particularly skeptical of her messaging framework in any of her reporting.

And this sounds awfully like an alibi for BP, although if she has reported the facts well:

While the BP oil spill has been labeled the worst environmental catastrophe in recent U.S. history, a biofuel is contributing to a Gulf of Mexico "dead zone" the size of New Jersey that scientists say could be every bit as harmful to the gulf.

Each year, nitrogen used to fertilize corn, about a third of which is made into ethanol, leaches from Midwest croplands into the Mississippi River and out into the gulf, where the fertilizer feeds giant algae blooms. As the algae dies, it settles to the ocean floor and decays, consuming oxygen and suffocating marine life.

Known as hypoxia, the oxygen depletion kills shrimp, crabs, worms and anything else that cannot escape. The dead zone has doubled since the 1980s and is expected this year to grow as large as 8,500 square miles and hug the Gulf Coast from Alabama to Texas. ...

One of the authors of that report, agricultural economist Otto Doering at Purdue University, said that a 50 percent boost in the ethanol blend in gasoline will significantly raise corn prices, driving farmers to pull land out of conservation and pastureland and into corn production. They are also likely to add more nitrogen fertilizers to boost yields.

Corn ethanol has been heavily subsidized since the Arab oil embargo in the 1970s. Viewed by the corn industry as a lucrative market, ethanol is a perennial favorite in Congress. [my emphasis]
There are very legitimate concerns about the downsides of ethanol, not only in terms of environmental issues but in terms of how it affects the overall food supply.

But I can hear BP lawyers arguing it now: it's impossible to say what effect the oil disaster has had on the gulf because of all those bad corn farmers dumped their fertilizers.

And BP's public relations department: Deepwater drilling is still necessary because those bad American consumers still drive their cars. And alternative fuels like ethanol present a greater risk to the environment than even a massive oil spill like Deepwater Horizon.

And the Republican Party: BP wasn't the one who wiped out the Gulf Coast fishing and tourist industries. It was those hippies promoting all this here alternative fuel nonsense!

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The Fourth of July and the American concept of freedom

The Fourth of July holiday is over (sigh). But I didn't see this piece by sociologist Claude Fischer until today: Fighting for the 4th of July Berkeley Blog 07/2/10. He gives a brief sketch of the political history of Fourth of July celebrations. He writes in part:

Commemorations of the Fourth of July in the early 19th century were caught up in a political tug-of-war between the Jeffersonian Republicans who revered the Declaration of Independence and the Federalists who were less enthusiastic. (The Federalists preferred to ignore or downplay those French-like passages about universal rights, equality, and the virtue of revolutions.) As the founding generation was dying off – both Thomas Jefferson and John Adams died on July 4, 1826 – civic leaders became more eager to preserve the history of the Revolution and to promote the nation’s birthday. The Jeffersonians won.

When the conflict over slavery heated up, abolitionists, of course, deployed the Declaration’s clarion call for equality as a rhetorical weapon. And slavery’s defenders rejected that call. In 1848, South Carolina’s famed senator, John C. Calhoun, announced that “There was ‘not a word of truth’ in the notion that men were created equal” and an Indiana senator said five years later that “the supposed ‘self-evident truth’ of man’s equal creation was in fact ‘a self-evident lie’” (quotes from historian Pauline Maier).

But the Civil War and Abraham Lincoln solidified the Fourth as a celebration of rights and equality. (Here I follow Gary Wills.) In an 1858 Fourth of July speech, Lincoln argued that many Americans of his day – the recent immigrants – could not literally trace their ancestry back to the Founding Fathers. But they could trace it spiritually:

when they look through that old Declaration of Independence they find that those old men say that "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal," and then they feel that that moral sentiment taught in that day evidences their relation to those men, that it is the father of all moral principle in them, and that they have a right to claim it as though they were blood of the blood, and flesh of the flesh, of the men who wrote that Declaration, and so they are.
The immigrants of that day – many of them despised in their time – had equal moral claim to equality in America.
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Monday, July 05, 2010

On that "A Whale" boat


A Taiwanese shipping magnate decided soon after the BP oil geyser began spewing to have a new oil tanker converted to be an oil skimmer. It was named A Whale, and is owned by a private company, TMT Offshore Group. For some, this has become a new complaint over "red tape." Republicans have found it convenient to promote vague stories about delays on accepting help that could be useful in order to focus attention on the shortcomings of the administration and away from BP.

Lauren Frayer in BP's Oil Spill Tab Now Tops $3 Billion AOL News 07/05/2010 gives an update on the status of the ship:

Results are also expected today from test runs of vessel billed as the world's largest oil skimmer, which could be put into regular service in the gulf as early as this week. The converted cargo ship, A Whale, spent the weekend attempting to clean up a 25-square mile area just north of BP's blown-out undersea well.

The Taiwanese-flagged ship is three and a half football fields long and extends 10 stories high. It's outfitted with 12 vents on either side of its bow, which experts hope will be able to suck up as many as 21 million gallons of oil-tainted water each day.

But its never-before-used technology means that the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency will need to sign off on the quality of the water that the ship dumps back into the gulf, after separating out the oil. Test results due back today will help the agency make that decision. [my emphasis]
The weather has also not been cooperative for the testing, as reported by the New Orleans Times-Picayune, Whale of a skimmer not ready to attack Gulf oil after weekend of testing 07/05/2010.

There is some question as to how effective it will be even if approved by the EPA, as Mike Brunker reports for MSNBC in Oil-eating Whale or 'white elephant'? 07/02/2010:

But before the 1,115-foot-long ship with the big blue whale on funnel has even undergone testing, some experts are questioning whether it can fulfill those lofty expectations.

"I don't think the concept is that bad, but I don't see how in this situation it’s going to be a significant player," said Dennis Bryant, a former Coast Guard officer who worked on implementing regulations required by the Oil Pollution Act of 1990 before retiring and starting a maritime consulting business in Gainesville, Fla.

"In a case like the Exxon Valdez spill, where you had a lot of oil on the surface in a confined area, a vessel like this could have gone in and sucked up a whole lot," he said. "But in the Gulf, where the oil is pretty well dispersed over a vast area, I don’t see how it’s going to make a large dent."
Brunker also gives this summary of how TMT put this ship together:

Whether the A Whale, a Taiwanese-owned, Liberian-flagged ship, will even join the cleanup is unclear. TMT converted the oil/bulk ore carrier at a Portuguese shipyard over 10 days in early June without first obtaining a commitment from BP, which would need to sign the contract to enlist the ship in the spill response. Nor did it check with the U.S. government to ensure that the skimming operation would meet U.S. environmental and maritime standards.

Also, while the company says it conducted a successful test of the A Whale's ability to draw in oily water using fire foam, the concept has not undergone outside review. And Bob Grantham, a spokesman for the TMT Offshore Group, said Thursday that it's not yet clear how much oil can be removed from the water.

"Until we test the vessel in the oil spill environment, it is impossible to predict precisely how well it will perform," he said in a written response to questions from msnbc.com.
I've heard a lot of general gripes about useful help being turned down in the Gulf oil emergency response. But when the complaints get specific, like with this one, they may not be so convincing. Given how the Minerals Management Service (MMS) waved "red tape" aside to rush the Deepwater Horizon project into action, I'm not too impressed with the idea of rushing untested devices and technology into action on the oil cleanup. We may later wish the feds had been more closely restricting the use of dispersants and oil burning. (See David Biello, Is Using Dispersants on the BP Gulf Oil Spill Fighting Pollution with Pollution? Scientific American Online 06/18/2010)

One of my Facebook contacts, who I will keep anonymous because he may think better of being conned by TMT and Republicans on this issue, posted this last Friday:

A Serious P L E A D! ALL that will please call or email Congress and demand more to be done in the Gulf OIL Spill! There is a HUGE Ship the A Whale just sitting on the coast that can suck up so much OIL and The Obama Admin and Congress are killing valuable time on STUPID Red Tape.Turn everything loose on this SPILL!

http://www.contactingthecongress.org/

I have made 4 calls already today!
My favorite fact-check sites don't seem to have much of anything on this particular controversy or on BP oil-disaster whoppers in general. But Politifact does have this one: Scalise blames Obama for 'inaction' on berm plan to contain oil spill 06/29/2010. This was about Louisiana Republican Congressman Steve Scalise echoing Republian Gov. Bobby Jindal's complaint about his pet scheme to put up berms to protect Louisiana's marshes, a project it was probably foolish for the feds to approve at all, because its usefulness is highly dubious and may divert scarce resources from more effective measures. (See David Biello, Slosh and Berm: Building Sand Barriers off Louisiana's Coast to Hold Back Oil Spill Has Low Probability of Success Scientific American Online 06/18/2010.)

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Friday, July 02, 2010

The Afghanistan War is unpopular, and getting more so

This was evidenced by an important vote this week in the House of Representatives, as longtime peace activist Tom Hayden explains in House Stands Firm on Afghanistan Withdrawal Timetable The Nation 07/02/2010:

One hundred sixty-two House members, including a large majority of Democrats, sent a significant antiwar message to President Obama last night, forcing the White House to depend for Afghanistan war support on the Republicans who want to unseat the Democrats and Obama himself in upcoming elections.

Despite claims by punditry that the antiwar movement has disappeared, stalwart Representative Barbara Lee gained 100 votes for her amendment rejecting $33 billion for 30,000 new troops already being sent to Afghanistan. Seven of her votes were Republicans. The measure would have redirected the $33 billion to expenses incurred in redeploying the troops out of Afghanistan.

More significant numerically, there were 162 votes cast for Representative Jim McGovern’s amendment, co-authored by representatives David Obey and Walter Jones, which articulated a game plan for ending the war. Only a year ago, the same measure was introduced as a general and non-binding resolution. This time the proposal required, as a condition of funding, an exit proposal including a withdrawal timetable, by next spring, before the president's announced plan to "begin" withdrawals in July. Further, in response to rising pressure to delay withdrawals, the McGovern proposal would require another Congressional vote if the administration succumbed to pressure from Republicans and the military to delay the beginning departure date.

Among Democrats, the vote for McGovern was 153-98, with nine Republican supporters. Significantly, Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who this week predicted a strong Democratic push for a "substantial drawdown" by next year, voted with McGovern. [my emphasis]
This is important. Of the Democrats voting on the latter measure, 61% opposed continuation of the Afghanistan War. Obama really has achieved his dream of bipartisanship on this war: he can only continue it with the support of Republicans who know that its unpopularity will damage Democrats' electoral prospects by de-motivating their base voters to go to the polls.

For some perceptive observations on the significance of even a failing vote like this, see Dibgy, Scaring the bejezuz out of 'em Hullabaloo 07/02/2010.

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Today's Republican Party

It's being more and more influenced by adherents and fans of groups like the Constitution Party and its Christian Reconstructionist ideology, as Adele Stan explains in What Rand Paul and Sharron Angle Have in Common: A Far-Right "Biblical Law" Political Party Alternet 06/15/2010.

If the Tea Party could be said to have a founding father, I'd name him as Constitution Party founder Howard Phillips. Deeply influenced by the Christian Reconstructionist theology of Rousas John Rushdoony, Phillips not only helped found the religious right, but created a political party that has served as a haven for such figures as Operation Rescue founder Randall Terry and neo-militia leader Matthew Trewhella. (Founded in 1992 as the U.S. Taxpayers Party, the organization adopted the name "Constitution Party" in 1999.)

Phillips also chairs the Conservative Caucus, a political organization that served, during the presidential campaign, as a virtual clearinghouse for anti-Obama messaging — the very messaging that would find itself amplified by the Tea Party movement. It was from Phillips' shop that I first heard the trope about Barack Obama’s birth certificate, and heard tales of the future president's socialist past.

The Caucus works closely with the John Birch Society, and has featured Ron Paul as a speaker at several of its events. It is a tireless crusader against something called the North American Union, which it claims nefarious forces are trying to create after the model of the European Union. [my emphasis]
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Thursday, July 01, 2010

Two Mississippi disasters: the BP oil geyser and Haley Barbour


Mississippi Gov. Haley Barbour, a hack pretending to be a hick

Melissa Block interviewed Mississippi's Republican Gov. Haley Barbour, potential Republican Presidential canidate in 2012, on the BP disaster. Mississippi Governor 'Shocked' By Coast Guard's Gulf Spill Coordination NPR 06/29/2010.

Ole Haley appearing on FOX News Sunday on 06/10/2010 riduled the notion that Mississippi had any worries from the BP's oil geyser. The link is to the video of the interview. The transcript is here and Sam Stein reported on it in Haley Barbour: Oil? What Oil? Press Should Stop Scaring Tourists Huffington Post 06/10/2010. But to get the full effect you need to hear him saying it in his heavy accent. Barbour is a Washington power lawyer. But as a Mississippi politician, he affects a major cornpone accent and attitude, including often pronouncing the name of his state as "Missippi".

Here's what ole Haley was saying from the transcript, except that I've corrected the spelling and added emphasis marks to partially reflect his actual pronunciation:

Well, the truth is, Chris, we have had virtually no oil. If you were on the Missippi gulf coast any time in the last 48 days you didn't see any oil at all. We've had a few tar balls, but we've had - we have tar balls every year as a natural product of the Gulf of Mexico. Two hundred and fifty thousand to 750,000 barrels of oil seep into the Gulf of Mexico through the floor ev'ry year, so tar balls are no big deal.

In fact, I read that Pensacola or the Florida beaches, when they had tar balls yesterday, they didn't even close. They just sent people out to pick them up and throw them in the bag.

The biggest — the biggest negative impact for us has been the news coverage. There has been no distinction between Grand Isle and Venice and the places in Louisiana that we feel so terrible for that have had oil washing up on them. But the average viewer to this show thinks that the whole coast from Florida to Texas is ankle-deep in oil.

And of course, it's very, very bad for our tourist season. That's the real economic damage. Our first closure of fisheries in Mississippi waters came just earlier this week after about 45 days.

So it may be hard for the viewer to understand, but the worst thing for us has been how our tourist season has been hurt by the mis-perception of what's going on down here. The Missippi gulf coast is beautiful. As I tell people, the coast is clear, come on down.
Even last Friday, as large amounts of oil were just offshore and moving quickly toward the Mississippi Gulf Coast, ole Haley was sayin', "This shouldn't be a cause for alarm." (Karen Nelson, CLOSING IN: Oil now 3 miles from barrier islands Biloxi Sun-Herald 06/25/2010).

Three weeks after that ludicrous appearance on FOX News, ole Haley was sounding a bit different (Anita Lee and Margaret Baker, Mississippi officials slam Coast Guard as BP oil hits shores McClatchey Newspapers 06/27/2010):

Mississippi had largely escaped the onslaught of the Deepwater Horizon oil slick, even as shoreline in Louisiana, Alabama and Florida was washed by both thick gooey crude or thousands of tar balls.

But on Sunday, that respite ended.

"The amount of oil moving into Mississippi waters has greatly increased in the last several days, and the prevailing winds that cause the oil and its residue to move in our direction are predicted to continue, at least until the middle of the week,” Gov. Haley Barbour said in a statement. “We continue to press the federal Unified Command and BP to increase the amount of resources available to attack the oil beginning as far south as possible, through the passes, into the sound, and in the mouths of the bays"

Barbour, who once confidently predicted that the oil would skirt Mississippi, rushed back to the state on Friday from a fundraising tour he was making on behalf of Republican candidates. Sunday said the state was prepared to move alone if the federal government couldn't provide more resources.
The Biloxi Sun-Herald, which endorsed ole for election and re-election as Governor, raked him over the coals for his strange behavior in face of the oil disaster in this editorial last Saturday: A Crude Awakening: It’s time to stop daydreaming and face up to this nightmare 06/26/2010. They even addressed the distraction aspect of the pious gesture of official prayer days over the oil catastrophe:

We would give anything if a prayer or an advertisement could make this all go away.

But neither media bashing nor media buys will stop the oil or preserve our way of life.

That requires the unrelenting attention of everyone connected to mitigating this catastrophe, including all the governors of the Gulf region.
They were very explicit in condemning ole Haley's callous, irresponsible attitude toward the disaster:

What happened offshore at the 30-mile and 10-mile lines of defense? What happened to the assurances that oil would be spotted and stopped long before it threatened either the Sound or the sand? [See the FOX News interview linked above for a version of Haley's hot air over this.]

And why, with more than two months to gear-up for this possibility, were officials still scrambling for gear at the last minute?

Why did it take such a crude awakening to shatter the daydreams of Gov. Haley Barbour and others entrusted with the safety of South Mississippi?

Perhaps if he had gone to that “photo-op” with the president and other Gulf governors in Louisiana weeks ago Barbour would have developed a greater sense of the peril and addressed it with more urgency and vigor.

With the smallest coastline on the Gulf, Mississippi’s ecology should have been the most defensible.

Yet an underestimation of the potential threat, particularly by Barbour, has left us more vulnerable.
Given the volume of oil, even the most aggressive preparations and advocacy by Barbour and other state officials likely couldn't have prevented devastating consequences. But aggressive preparations and advocacy were not what ole Haley and his state administration provided during the first two months of the BP oil geyser:

Barbour’s focus has been more limited: he has spent much of his time being an advocate for the state’s tourism industry — and for the oil industry which threatens it. And, of course, he has been playing a very active role in Republican politics.

This is not to begrudge the governor his standing in the GOP. His political connections and how they might help Mississippi was one of the factors in his favor that twice won him this newspaper’s endorsement. However, his travels to distant places and engagement in political fundraising during these days of crisis on the Coast are questionable, even troubling. Barbour’s priority ought to be with his constituents in Mississippi.

No small part of Barbour’s responsibility is securing and sharing accurate and trustworthy information about all aspects of the oil spill and its threat to Mississippi. From BP’s inexcusable inaccuracy about the size of the spill to the hidden-from-view cleanup efforts for the last two weeks on Petit Bois Island, facts have been too hard to come by.

For those who have paid attention to Mississippi’s official response to the oil spill, it is clear that the governor set the tone that has permeated every pronouncement by those in authority, particularly Dr. Bill Walker, director of the Mississippi Department of Marine Resources. Both Barbour and Walker have taken the media to task for doing its job, probably not the most effective use of their time and talents.

The frantic scramble for resources to defend the Coast this weekend is evidence of the too-little-too-late approach to this crisis.


Which brings me to his interview with Melissa Block on NPR. Ole Haley is now blaming the fedrul gubment (of course!), "Unified Command, BP, whomever," for not anticipating the magnitude of the problem. But ole Haley is still sticking to his talking points from the FOX News interview!

BLOCK: Governor Barbour, I'd like to talk to you a bit about your own response to the oil spill because you have been criticized for seeming to minimize how bad the problem is. You've accused the media of exaggerating how much oil is on the beaches and you've been urging tourists to come down. You said the coast is clear. The coast is no longer clear, I guess.

Gov. BARBOUR: Well, the people on the beach today in Mississippi and almost all the tourist areas, there hadn't been one drop of oil. We've had a small amount of oil. What we've tried to do is tell the public the truth. And the truth is that the national news media, particularly television, has given people the impression that the entire Mississippi Gulf Coast was ankle deep in oil.

The news media coverage did not differentiate from what was happening in Louisiana and what was not happening in Mississippi, Alabama, Florida. Even the president of the United States came down here and said exactly what I said. You know, the coast is beautiful, the beaches are pristine, the water is clear as a bell. And people shouldn't be canceling their vacations.

Yet because of the news coverage, millions, billions, perhaps, of dollars were lost by people in the tourism industry in my state, Alabama and Florida. That's not to minimize the size of this catastrophe, but it is to simply tell the truth.

BLOCK: Governor Barbour, I wonder if that's a fine line to walk. On the one hand you're worried about not having enough skimmers. You're worried about what might hit the beaches. At the same time, you're saying, come on down, the water's fine.

Gov. BARBOUR: Well, ma'am, it's not a fine line to walk. All you got to do is tell the truth. Just lay the facts out for people and people can make their own decision.
The facts on the day ole Haley was doing that interview were reported by Donna Melton of the Biloxi Sun-Herald in Oil hitting beaches by the ton 06/29/2010:

Shoreline Cleanup Assessment Team workers scoured the beaches in Harrison County [Mississippi], scooping more than a ton of contaminated sand mixed with tar patties, mats and balls into clear-plastic garbage bags.

Tar balls are weathered oil; patties are just like balls, but newer and with a more liquid consistency. Tar mats can be a combination of the two mixed with debris such as sediment or plant matter.

The state departments of Marine Resources, Environmental Quality and Health extended the beach advisory in Harrison County from the Gulfport Small Craft Harbor east to Azalea Avenue in Biloxi.

According to a jointly issued news release, the beach in this area had significant amounts of tar mats and tar patties. The heaviest concentrations were between White Avenue in Biloxi and Cowan Road in Gulfport.
Accompanying the article was this photo of the beach at Gulfport, on the day ole Haley was telling NPR, "You know, the coast is beautiful, the beaches are pristine, the water is clear as a bell."

The truth-telling Governor then went on to talk about how the BP oil catastrophe proves ... that the free market works, by Galt:

Well, look, in every part of the government there is a role for good regulation that is properly done. But the idea that more regulation is necessarily better, I think a very suspect idea. In the case of this well, I believe it will be shown that if the regular protocols had been followed, that this well wouldn't have blown out. We'll see what the facts are.

But I am comfortable that's what the facts are going to be. And that if there had been somebody from MMS on the well to make sure they had done it, well, maybe that wouldve made a difference. But I think right now every oil company in the world says, I don't want to pay $100 million a day to cut corners on drilling a well. And that's where I believe the market system works. Nobody's got more to lose in this deal than BP.
Mississippi, still the poorest state in the Union, needs the very best advocacy and representation from its public officials. Haley Barbour certainly hasn't provided it. But Haley's a good ole boy. And he shore has a downhome accent, don't he?

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When sentimentality substitutes for political judgment


Protest supporting Gilad Shalit at Tel Aviv University, 2009

Gideon Levy has an opinion piece in the Israeli paper Haaretz of the kind we see all too seldomly, if at all, in our mainstream press: Life as a soap opera 07/01/2010.

His topic is a march recently held by the family of Gilad Shalit, the Israeli soldier that has been held captive by Hamas since 2006, calling for his release. Levy argues that the march's sentimental framing is actually a negative thing for the Israeli approach to understanding its political problems and finding practical solutions for them:

The time has come to move up a grade. The time has come to grow up and understand that everything is political - that the real solution to our problems is political, and thus the battle can only be political. Perhaps, borne on the waves of the pseudo-protest over Shalit, with blue and white shirts and yellow ribbons, we will finally wake up enough to raise other questions, less emotional but far more serious.
I'm sure there will be many who will be outraged, or at least claim to be, over Levy's criticism of the Shalit solidarity march. And I didn't follow the story closely enough to have a distinct opinion on how well the march itself was handled.

It just struck me in reading it that it would be healthy if we had more challenges in American political debate over the ways in which sentimental theater can actually be destructive when applied to political affairs. The awe, for instance, in which a military figure like Gen. David Petraeus is held by members of Congress of both parties is anything but helpful to a critical approach to foreign affairs. Petraeus sailed through his confirmation hearings as commander of US forces in the Afghanistan War without any serious probing by Congress of the state of the war and how Petraeus plans to address it, and without any new airing of what really occurred during "The Surge", the 2007 round of troop reinforcements in Iraq that has become part of triumphalist military legend.

Here is how Levy states his problem with the current Israeli discussion of public affairs, which he sees as "frighteningly sentimental":

The struggle to secure the release of the captive soldier has turned into a soap opera. There is his brother falling in love with a young woman in the protest tent, there is Tami Arad in a sweet photograph with her daughter on the cover of the newspaper, there are the noble parents and the impressive grandfather marching together, and there is the question posed to the prime minister: What would have happened had it been your son? With such opening credits, it is easy to mobilize support - as though if Shalit had had grumbling parents and a screeching grandfather, from Mitzpeh Ramon rather than Mitzpeh Hila, their fate would be less cruel.

Participants in the protest are careful to claim that it is "not political," as though a "political struggle" were a dirty word for forbidden and degrading activity, of the kind that would mar and stain the picture. That is an extremely childish kind of discourse. Shalit's fate arouses understandable emotions: Every parent thinks of his own son. But when the discourse is confined to the emotional realm, the real questions are blurred and swept under the rug beneath which we love to hide everything.

It is not only a question of the price we are being asked to pay for Shalit's release - and permit us to guess that some of the marchers will protest against it when the time comes. It is also a question of the next Gilad Shalits. If very few people are speaking honestly about the prisoner exchange, nobody at all is speaking about the more important question, of what Israel is doing to prevent more unnecessary victims like Gilad. That is political. But the answer can only be found in the political arena. There is no other option. [my emphasis]
War is obviously a very sentimental thing. And the treatment by the enemy of one's own prisoners is an enduring cause of resentment and hatred in any conflict.

President Nixon made the prisoners of war held by the North Vietnamese into his main justification for continuing the war up until the Paris Peace Agreement of 1973. John McCain, who was one of those prisoners, still uses his experience as a POW as a selling point for himself as a candidate. Wesley Clark fell into bad favor with the Obama campaign in 2008 when he said on television that McCain's experience as a pilot didn't necessarily give him particular qualifications for military command. Our sad excuse for a national press, who adore McCain in the most sentimental kind of way, treated Clark's comments as a scandal. And Obama foolishly caved to the criticism from the press and the Republicans and disowned Clark's remarks, as well as dropping him as a spokesperson for the campaign.

Even leaving aside that as a general, Clark presumably has some actual experience in making such determinations on a professional basis, what he said was plainly true. Having served in the military will always be seen as a positive element of public service in a candidate's biography. But McCain doesn't talk about war like a strategist or a practical commander. He talks about it like a high school football coach who repeats "never quit" over and over. It certainly seems to me that however much of his views on war came from his own dramatic and grim experience in Vietnam, that he views war as having only one acceptable outcome, the complete surrender of the Other Side to Americans. Anything less is inadequate. Any question of what are acceptable costs in light of expected gains seem to become entirely secondary, if not completely irrelevant, to him.

One could even speculate that McCain's experiences as a pilot and a POW, which required him to focus singlemindedly on accomplishing a particular mission (hitting the assigned targets, surviving), led him to draw conclusions that would make him a poor commander, one willing to take foolish risks without a realistic assessment of consequences.

But the press reaction to Clark's statement seemed to have been driven by a sense of emotional outrage that Clark had somehow besmirched McCain's military service. In fact, he had made a perfectly valid and practical point.

And so does Gideon Levy: letting sentimental outrage substitute for real understanding and sensible judgments makes for bad policy decisions.

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