Friday, October 07, 2011

The Anwar al-Awlaki and Samir Khan assassinations (5)

Scott Horton appeared on RT's The Alyona Show talking about the Awlaki/Khan assassination (the video is dated 10/04/2011 at the show's YouTube channel):



He comments on it at his blog, The Secret Al-Awlaki Memo No Comment 10/03/2011:

The major questions following al-Awlaki’s death are simple: Why has the Obama Administration failed to make public its rationale for the strike, including the considerations that led it to the conclusion that it can use lethal force against a U.S. citizen under such circumstances? And why has it kept the Justice Department memorandum a secret?
This practice of the Obama Administration, continuing the policy of the previous Cheney-Bush Administration, is very dangerous. The RT video at around 7:15 shows Dick Cheney demanding an apology from the Obama Administration for criticizing their illegal policies because he's continuing so many of them. And, so far as we know, event he Cheney-Bush Administration never ordered a specific hit on an American citizen.

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An Australian Jesus-and-Mary cult

Via Skeptical Inquirer's Facebook feed, a 32-minute Australian TV report on a potentially violent and destructive/self-destructive Australian cult, led by a man name Alan John (AJ) Miller, who claims to be Jesus. He calls his group Divine Truth. It's a good examination of a cult group, in which reporter David Millikan asks the kinds of questions that someone investigating a cult needs to ask.

The YouTube video is dated 09/18/2011. It's from an Australian news program called Sunday Night. The Australia's chilling cult transcript is available at the program's website. There is an accompanying story, Inside Australia's chilling new cult, also dated 09/18/2011.



At about 4:30, it shows an apparently public ritual in which the follower is encouraged to stage an emotional regression to childhood. Such ceremonies are not unusual among cult groups. We see a similar ceremony at around 8:00, 14:20, 18:25 and 19:15 (with Mary).

His "Mary" (Mary Suzanne Luck) bears some resemblance to the actress Eliza Patricia Dushku, though it's certainly not her. Miller is a former Jehovah Witnesses minister who made a lot of money with land dealings and computer business.

One thing that strikes me in several of the interviews, including with Mary, is that they seem emotionally fragile, in the sense of being easily brought to tears. The Millikan notes that impression from his interviews to Miller/Jesus at around 25:00:

DAVID MILLIKAN: If I gather 10 of your people...

AJ Miller: Yes.

DAVID MILLIKAN: ..and start talking to them, within a minute they are talking about the struggle and just about everyone I talk to is on the verge of tears.

AJ Miller: But you notice that I don't view it as a struggle.

DAVID MILLIKAN: Look at poor Alex.

AJ Miller: Sorry?

DAVID MILLIKAN: That poor guy, he is just consumed...

AJ Miller: He is. And I have talked to Alex many times about him allowing the spirits to almost completely control his life.
I see that, like the New Apostolic Restoration (NAR), the Divine Truth cult has a system of apostles and emphasizes the activity of evil spirits among the believers. He also forecasts an apocalyptic disaster which will leave him as the world's leader.

See also A Current Affair, The second coming? 05/16/2011

See also A Current Affair, Aussie messiah questioned 05/17/2011.

David Murray, Jesus and Mary cult followers buy up land around Kingaroy The Courier-Mail 05/15/2011

David Murray, Reincarnation couple in cult friction The Sunday Mail (Qld) 05/22/2011

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Thursday, October 06, 2011

Meltdown series, parts 2 and 3

I earlier posted the embedded video of Part 1 of 4 of the Aljazeera English series on the 2007-8 financial crash, "Meltdown".

Two of the other three parts are available to view at the AJE website, all dated 09/21/2011, but apparently only the first and third are available for embedding as of this writing.

The other two available segments include:

A global financial tsunami (Part 2)

Paying the price (Part 3)



After the fall: only short text summary available as of this writing

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The Anwar al-Awlaki and Samir Khan assassinations (4)

Reuters has a report from Mark Hosenball on the extralegal process the President uses to decide which American citizens should be assassinated without so much as the pretence of legal process, Secret panel can put Americans on "kill list' 10/05/2011:

American militants like Anwar al-Awlaki are placed on a kill or capture list by a secretive panel of senior government officials, which then informs the president of its decisions, according to officials.

There is no public record of the operations or decisions of the panel, which is a subset of the White House's National Security Council, several current and former officials said. Neither is there any law establishing its existence or setting out the rules by which it is supposed to operate.

The panel was behind the decision to add Awlaki, a U.S.-born militant preacher with alleged al Qaeda connections, to the target list. He was killed by a CIA drone strike in Yemen late last month.

The role of the president in ordering or ratifying a decision to target a citizen is fuzzy. White House spokesman Tommy Vietor declined to discuss anything about the process.
This last is most likely a Mob-like legal dodge designed to minimize the potential legal liability of the President if the participants in this for-real "death panel" ever get caught up in the rule of law. Hosenball reports further:

Several officials said that when Awlaki became the first American put on the target list, Obama was not required personally to approve the targeting of a person. But one official said Obama would be notified of the principals' decision. If he objected, the decision would be nullified, the official said.

A former official said one of the reasons for making senior officials principally responsible for nominating Americans for the target list was to "protect" the president.
It's hard to put any good face on this. It's lynch law, which the Republican are glad to have the African-American President validate, even as they smear him as a Kenyan Marxist Islamunofascist who hates America and white people. As Scott Lemieux puts it (The Star Chamber Lawyers Guns and Money 10/06/2011):

If you think this process isn’t an invitation for the worst sort of abuses, you must have been in a coma for most of the last decade. And it is striking how spotty and lacking in specifics about actual terrorist activity even the unrebutted, unchecked case against Awlaki is.
The latter comment may refer to the discussion of the allegations in the Reuters article.

Glenn Greenwald asks the obvious rhetorical question (Execution by secret WH committee Salon 10/05/2011):

So a panel operating out of the White House — that meets in total secrecy, with no known law or rules governing what it can do or how it operates — is empowered to place American citizens on a list to be killed by the CIA, which (by some process nobody knows) eventually makes its way to the President, who is the final Decider. It is difficult to describe the level of warped authoritarianism necessary to cause someone to lend their support to a twisted Star Chamber like that; I genuinely wonder whether the Good Democrats doing so actually first convince themselves that if this were the Bush White House’s hit list, or if it becomes Rick Perry’s, they would be supportive just the same. Seriously: if you’re willing to endorse having White House functionaries meet in secret — with no known guidelines, no oversight, no transparency — and compile lists of American citizens to be killed by the CIA without due process, what aren’t you willing to support? [my emphasis]
Obviously, someone who supports this is operating on an authoritarian assumption under which there can be no legal or moral objection to Presidential assassination orders. In the case of Democratic supporters, they are presumably doing so out of loyalty to the Democratic President and in deference to the national security establishment.

In the case of Republicans, their primary loyalty seems to be to the Party itself, as well as to the national security establishment, although they expect the latter to be subordinate to the Party, as well. What Dick Cheney need to establish his Unilateral Executive firmly as official practice was a successor President to validate it. As Greenwald also asks:

Even for those deeply cynical about American political culture: wouldn’t you have thought a few years ago that having the President create a White House panel to place Americans on a CIA hit list — in secret, without a shred of due process — would be a bridge too far?
The process has worked like this, with some of the steps occurring simultaneously:

  • Cheney and Bush establish the torture policy, which included murdering prisoners and torturing American citizens (e.g., John Walker Lindh and José Padilla)
  • Cheney and Bush establish a kangaroo court system outside the official civilians and military courts
  • Cheney and Bush practice indefinite detention
  • Cheney and Bush defend the torture policy under a effectively unlimited theory of Presidential power (the Unitary Executive, aptly called the Unilateral Executive by Al Gore)
  • Cheney and Bush Make federal legal officials complicit in the crimes
  • Cheney and Bush claim very expansive Executive secrecy claims
  • The Obama Administration avoids prosecution of the torture crimes
  • The Obama Administration continues key elements of the policy like the secret prisons, which virtually guarantee that torture will occur
  • The Obama Administration makes even more expansive secrecy claims than the Cheney-Bush Administration
  • The Obama Administration claims the right to assassinate American citizens accused of being enemies of the US with no legal process or judicial review
  • The Obama Administration carries out such an assassination
Of course, all of this takes place in the context of the Iraq War, the Afghanistan War, now the Libya War and the wide range of domestic and international activities known as the War on Terror.

Samir Khan was apparently not on that secret hit list of American citizens. But he was an American citizen and he is dead, killed in the attack on Awlaki. The Charlotte Observer reports on Khan's family's public reaction to his killing in U.S. actions 'appall' family of slain al-Qaida blogger by Tim Funk 10/06/2011. They released the following statement which, whatever kind of person Khan actually was and whatever he may have done, are entirely valid questions:

"We, the family of Samir Khan, in our time of grief and mourning, request that the media let us have our peace and privacy during this difficult time. It has been stated in the media that Samir was not the target of the attack; however no U.S. official has contacted us with any news about the recovery of our son's remains, nor offered us any condolences. As a result, we feel appalled by the indifference shown to us by our government.

"Being a law abiding citizen of the United States our late son Samir Khan never broke any law and was never implicated of any crime. The Fifth Amendment states that no citizen shall be 'deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law' yet our government assassinated two of its citizens. Was this style of execution the only solution? Why couldn't there have been a capture and trial? Where is the justice? As we mourn our son, we must ask these questions."
Funk's report notes what a landmark the Awlaki-Khan assassination was:

Friday's drone attack is thought to be the first instance in which a U.S. citizen was tracked and killed based on secret intelligence and the president's say-so. Al-Awlaki was placed on the CIA "kill or capture" list by the Obama administration in April 2010 - the first American to be so targeted.
This isn't an obscure procedural issue. The President has no authority to order an American citizen assassinated. In fact, it's illegal. No formal charges were ever brought against the two Americans summarily executed. Nor does the evidence in the public record indicate that they committed a capital crime, if indeed they committed a capital crime at all.

My understanding is that both men did advocate the killing of innocent Americans. If so, that's obviously wrong and contemptible. But under American law advocating the use of political violence in the abstract, even advocating criminal action like killing innocents in the abstract, is not a crime. But the sketchiness of the actual evidence in the public record can be seen in the Reuters report. Greenwald elaborates on that point in his column:

What's crucial to keep in mind is that nobody can see this "evidence" which these anonymous government officials are claiming exists. It's in their exclusive possession. As a result, they're able to characterize it however they want, to present it in the best possible light to support their pro-assassination position, and to prevent any detection of its flaws. As any lawyer will tell you, anyone can make a case for anything when they're in exclusive possession of all the relevant evidence and are the only side from whom one is hearing; all evidence becomes less compelling when it's subjected to adversarial scrutiny. Yet even given all those highly favorable pro-government conditions here, it’s obvious — even these officials admit — that the evidence is "partial," "patchy," based on "suspicions" rather than knowledge. [emphasis in original]
This assassinating American citizens is bad stuff. And this assassination of Anwar al-Awlaki and Samir Khan sets a seriously, seriously bad precedent for far more deadly and abusive actions by this and future Presidents.

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Wednesday, October 05, 2011

The Anwar al-Awlaki and Samir Khan assassinations (3)

The Presidential-ordered assassination of American citizens Anwar al-Awlaki and Samir Khan in Yemen, neither of them so much as indicted for actual crimes, is a further serious corruption of the US Constitutional system. The Executive Branch has neither the legal nor Constitutional authority to target individual Americans for assassinations, within or outside the borders of the country. The idea that the President can order a hit on anyone he pleases, including an American citizen, goes to the heart of the rule of law, just as does the torture policy initiated by the Cheney-Bush Administration.

Michael Ratner, the president emeritus of the Center for Constitutional Rights, writes on The Extrajudicial Drone Murder of US Citizen Anwar al-Awlaki Alternet 10/02/2011:

The claim, after the fact, by President Obama that Awlaki "operationally directed efforts" to attack the United States was never presented to a court before he was placed on the "kill" list and is untested. Even if President Obama's claim has some validity, unless Awlaki's alleged terrorists actions were imminent and unless deadly force employed as a last resort, this killing constitutes murder.

We know the government makes mistakes, lots of them, in giving people a "terrorist" label. Hundreds of men were wrongfully detained at Guantánamo. Should this same government, or any government, be allowed to order people's killing without due process?

The dire implications of this killing should not be lost on any of us. There appears to be no limit to the president's power to kill anywhere in the world, even if it involves killing a citizen of his own country. Today, it's in Yemen; tomorrow, it could be in the UK or even in the United States. [my emphasis]
Daphne Evitar back last December noted the problematic nature of the federal court decision that blocked a challenge by Awlaki's father to the assassination order in Al-Awlaki Decision Leaves Key Questions Unanswered Human Rights First 12/07/2011:

"How is it that judicial approval is required when the United States decides to target a U.S. citizen overseas for electronic surveillance, but ... judicial scrutiny is prohibited when the United States decides to target a U.S. citizen overseas for death?"

That's just one of many intriguing questions raised - but not answered - by the D.C. District Court today in its decision dismissing the case of Anwar al-Awlaki, a challenge to the government's authorization to kill a U.S. citizen allegedly tied to Al Qaeda overseas. Ultimately, the court won’t answer any of these critical questions because it decided that Al-Awlaki's father lacks standing to sue, since he’s not directly harmed by the U.S. action.

Significantly, though, Judge John Bates did not dismiss the case on the merits. Instead, he went out of his way to write that the case raises important legal questions regarding whether the government can target its own citizen for death in a foreign country without so much as a hearing to determine that he's done anything wrong. [my emphasis]
Neither the torture crimes nor the assassination policy are going away. There has to be a real accounting for both. And an end to both.

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Andrew Bacevich on "An End to Empire"

Andrew Bacevich writes on An End to Empire in The American Conservative 09/07/2011. He refers to the post-1989 triumphalism that came to dominate the thinking of both Democratic and Republican Parties, though with different understandings in each of them:

In Washington, such expectations qualified as advanced thinking, finding expression in the expansive claims that became a hallmark of the 1990s. "We stand tall. We see further into the future." Thus did Madeleine Albright elaborate on the attributes accruing to the world's "indispensable nation." Meanwhile, her boss Bill Clinton was wagging his finger at China. Beijing needed to align itself with the "right side of history," the president counseled, which meant that the Chinese should take their cues from America.

Expanding on or embroidering these themes got your books on bestseller lists, your columns in all the best newspapers, and your smiling face on the Sunday talk shows. My favorite artifact of this era remains the New York Times Magazine dated March 28, 1999. The cover story excerpted The Lexus and the Olive Tree, Tom Friedman’s just-released paean to globalization-as-Americanization. The cover itself purported to illustrate "What the World Needs Now." Alongside a photograph of a clenched fist adorned with the Stars and Stripes in brilliant red, white, and blue appeared this text: "For globalism to work, America can't be afraid to act like the almighty superpower that it is."
I've been reading some of the German literary critic Walter Benjamin's work lately. And Bacevich's invocation of that particular image reminds me of the way Benjamin used physical images that were identified with a particular moment in history to not just illustrate the point but to symbolize it in a meaningful way.

And that was undoubtedly a moment of arrogance and delusion on the part of American leaders. Both problematic features of thinking on the part of our political elites would get considerably worse:

Remarkably, the events of September 11, 2001 served not to overturn such thinking, but to affirm it. Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld did not disagree with the claims of American prescience and prerogatives expressed by Clinton and Albright. Sharing in the view that the United States was indeed an almighty superpower, they merely wanted to assert that power more aggressively. After 9/11, they had little difficulty converting George W. Bush — hitherto proponent of a humble foreign policy — to their view. If the results achieved from winning the Cold War had turned out to be less conclusive than first thought, then surely one more big push would deliver history to its intended destination. So the ideologues in power, now Republicans rather than Democrats, and those cheering from the sidelines, neoconservative voices now ascendant, determined to pull out all the stops. As Richard Perle and David Frum, co-authors of the agitprop classic An End to Evil, put it, "There is no middle way for Americans: It is victory or holocaust." ...

The years 1991 and 2001 are commonly treated as breakpoints, markers that inaugurate distinctive chapters of history, the first labeled "Post-Cold War," the second "Post-9/11." Yet there is a strong case to be made for amalgamating the two decades into a single period: call it the "era of ideological fantasy," when U.S. self-regard and Washington's confidence in its ability to remake the world in America's image reached unprecedented heights.
Bacevich lists eight different assumptions about American power that have been shown to be deeply flawed in the last 20 years. He seems to be optimistic that American policymakers and the public will draw appropriate conclusions from those lessons.

Bacevich takes Reinhold Niebuhr's cautious evaluation of human judgment seriously. So I'm sure he expects more folly in foreign policy for some time to come.

But one way in which he's overly optimistic is in his conventional assumption that the current budget deficit are a serious problem for the US. "Together the deficit and the Afghanistan war exemplify the chronic imbalances that unless corrected will accelerate American decline," he writes.

But the US budget deficit now and in the immediate future is not a problem for the United States. And given that the austerity policies on which there is a shameful bipartisan consensus right now, depression is likely to be the main economic problem for years to come. And given the prospective end of the euro, which sadly looks more likely all the time, the dollar will remain the world's reserve currency for some time to come. And that means we will continue to run large trade deficits, which in turn means that federal budget deficits will continue as long as private savings exceed private spending.

The budget deficit will not force an end to triumphalist foreign policies and the excesses of militarism any time soon.

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Monday, October 03, 2011

The Anwar al-Awlaki and Samir Khan assassinations (2)

New Yorker senior editor Amy Davidson poses Questions About Killing Awlaki 09/30/2011. She concludes her piece with a key question:

If the debate about the death penalty in the past few weeks has shown anything, it should be that the bad nature of the executed is not the only thing that matters. So does the approach we take to execution, and the character and commitment to the law we show when we decide to kill someone. We have every right to interrogate those, no matter the frightening pictures and quotes from sermons we are shown. If we can kill Awlaki, in the way and for the reasons we have, whom else can we kill, and why?
Here are more of her questions:

... there are a couple of points here that should make anyone wary: first, that the President of the United States could order the killing of an American citizen with no judicial proceedings, in a country (Yemen) with which we are not at war, simply because the President judges that person to be dangerous; and, second, the fuzziness used when discussing the exact nature of the danger Awlaki posed. ...

Was it as a conspirator or an inspirer that he was killed? The "senior Administration official" told the Times that his operational role was more important, and the A.P. noted that the Administration disclosed new "detailed intelligence to justify the killing of a U.S. citizen." If so, it makes the extrajudicial nature of this operation more frustrating. And when one hears about Awlaki being linked to a dozen terror cases, the link in question is more often a sermon or an article or e-mails about jihad, rather than what might be called overt acts. (The Washington Post noted that he had been "been implicated in helping to motivate several attacks on U.S. soil.") Would that have been enough?
Although she mostly speaks about Awlaki's killing, she does mention the simultaneous killing of Samir Khan, who like Awlaki was an American citizen.

Marcy Wheeler in Anwar al-Awlaki Assassination: Double Secret Illegitimacy Emptywheel 10/01/2011 deals with this article by Jack Goldsmith, formerly of the Cheney-Bush Justice Department, in which he justifies the assassination of Awlaki, A Just Act of War New York Times 09/30/2011. The following is a big understatement: "This fateful new step in our ever-expanding war against terrorists — intentionally killing an American citizen — is fraught with the danger of executive overreach or mistakes." He doesn't even bother to mention the assassination of Samir Khan, the other American citizen who was with Awlaki. Unlike with Awlaki, the Justice Department had convened a grand jury to bring charges against Khan but failed to do so.

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Occupy Wall Street video reports

From The Young Turks (Current TV) 09/29/2011, Cavalry Arrives for Occupy Wall Street:



From Countdown with Keith Olbermann (Current TV), Occupy Wall Street: Bernie Sanders calls for real reform 09/30/2011:



Also from Countdown with Keith Olbermann, John Samuelsen: Why TWU is joining the Occupy Wall Street protest 09/30/2011

From ITN News, OCCUPY WALL STREET: Demonstrators and police clash on Brooklyn Bridge 10/02/2011:



From Aljazeera EnglishHundreds held in anti-Wall Street protests 10/01/2011:



From Think Progress, AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka Backs Occupy Wall Street 09/30/2011:



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The Anwar al-Awlaki and Samir Khan assassinations (1)

The apparently successful assassination last week of American citizens Anwar al-Awlaki and Samir Khan by US forces in Yemen has emphasized for me again how important for the future of American democracy and the rule of law it is to drastically change our foreign policy and the bloated, often lawless national security state apparatus that comes with it.

This is yet another grim turning point for the United States. Even if the claim is true that Awlaki and Khan were actual threats to the United States - claims not established by sound information in the public record - this is still a huge overstep of Executive authority. Like the Cheney-Bush torture program, this goes to the heart of the rule of law. If the Executive can order the murder of American citizens based solely on the judgment of the Executive Branch with no judicial process, which is what the Obama Administration did here, the rule of law can be put in abeyance simply of the word of the President that it involves national security.

It was clear long ago that the Obama Administration was not going to prosecute even the most serious torture and other war crimes of the previous Administration. But now that Obama has maintained secret prisons for this long, which operate under conditions that torture is virtually certain to take place even if it's not officially permitted, and now has actually deliberately assassinated two American citizens not even indicted for crimes, it virtually rules out any attempt to prosecute such crimes from the previous Administration. Because they are now open to prosecution under American and international law themselves.

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Sunday, October 02, 2011

Occupy Wall Street: a "democratic moment"?

Years ago I heard Jerry Brown use the phrase "democratic moment" to describe those occasions on which genuine people's power asserts itself to change the course of the normal operations of governmental and political institutions.

Because even the most representative institutions can become blind and corrupted. And the blindness of the ruling elites in Europe and the United States right now is staggering, with their destructive austerity politics in the middle of a depression. A more recent Jerry Brown quote, this one from 2011, is relevant here:

You look back at history and all the elites, the ruling families of Europe in 1914 were feeling pretty good about themselves. And yet, it wasn't just a few months into the summer when they began what was an absolute catastrophe. So blindness is compatible with good breeding, good education and good relationships. Well, we don't even have that now in much of Washington.
It will take "democratic moments" to drive the political systems of the West back onto a more constructive track. In the US, a more fundamental transformation is needed than in Europe. For a genuine democratic renewal in the United States there will have to be a major rollback of the national security state and the foreign policies, wars and police state measures and mentality that are so much an integral part of it.

It may be in part the immensity of the problem that led some liberals to scoff at the scruffy hippies that started the Occupy Wall Street protests. That, plus lazy thinking and foolish illusions about the seriousness of the undemocratic turn of politics in the US and Europe.

The coincidence in time of the Occupy Wall Street protests with the Obama Administration's assassination of American citizens Anwar al-Awlaki and Samir Khan solely on the order of the President without even the pretense of charges, trials or the most minimal Constitutional procedures has affected how I understand both issues. Coincidental as the timing was, the two coming together highlight the increasingly outlaw conduct of the US government and the inability to date of the "democratic moment" which occurred in 2008 with the election of Barack Obama as President to restore the rule of law, progressive economic policies and a greater degree of social justice. And the steps that this Administration has made in that direction are in great danger of being reversed by a Republican President being elected in 2012 thanks to the failures of the Obama Administration, particularly its irresponsible embrace of austerity-based, Herbert Hoover economics.

The Occupy Wall Street protests are now being endorsed and joined by organized labor and have sparked solidarity protests all across the country.

Donna Jablonski reports for the AFL-CIO Now Blog Next Up Summit Supports Occupy Wall Street Protests 10/02/2011. He quotes from a declaration of the AFL-CIO Next Up Young Worker Summit in Minneapolis MN:

The world in which we live isn't working for the vast majority of people. The top 1 percent controls the economy, makes profits at the expense of working people, and dominates the political debate. Wall Street symbolizes this simple truth: a small group of people have the lives and livelihoods of working Americans in their hands.
And he provides a video from the conference:



Sounds good to me!

Current TV has an archive of Occupy Wall Street video reports.

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Saturday, October 01, 2011

Meltdown, Pt 1: The men who crashed the world

This 42-minute documentary from Al Jazeera English is the first of four parts on the 2007-8 financial crisis and collapse. This one is dated 09/21/2011.



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