Showing posts with label al mohler. Show all posts
Showing posts with label al mohler. Show all posts

Tuesday, September 18, 2012

Romney, Mormons and Protestant fundamentalists

A blog post from Frederick Clarkson has got me thinking from a different perspective about the religious factional differences within the Republican Party, particularly those between Mormon fundamentalists and Protestant fundamentalists: Mormonism & Schism on the Christian Right Talk to Action 09/06/2012. I think of Pentecostal fundamentalists as their own distinct faction, but their attitudes toward Mormonism will probably track those of non-Pentecostal Protestants.

This video from the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary (SBTS), The Mormon Moment? Religious Conviction and the 2012 Election 09/11/2012, features the SBTS president Albert Mohler, his dean Russell Moore and two others describing a conservative (in both the political and religious sense) perspective on having a Mormon as the Republican Party's Presidential candidate. In case you're wondering, no, there are no Mormon participants in the discussion.



Clarkson also writes about the issue in Papering over the Differences: The political alliance between evangelicals and the Catholic right Conscience 2/2012. While conservative white Protestant Republicans aren't likely to vote for the President many of them consider to be a Kenyan Muslim socialist atheist, their distaste for Mormonism could affect their turnout, and might influence some swing voters:

Another feature of this political season is the awkward effort to reconcile the existing anti-Mormonism among conservative evangelicals with the presidential candidacy of Republican Mitt Romney. Mainstream polling and conventional wisdom indicate that conservative evangelicals, when faced with the decision, will ultimately choose Romney over President Barack Obama. Maybe so. But such views may underappreciate how widespread is the view that Mormons are not Christians, and how many have been schooled that Mormonism is a dangerous heresy and may, as a result, be unable to bring themselves to vote for a Mormon.

Researcher Rachel Tabachnick, who was raised as a conservative Southern Baptist but converted to Judaism, believes that many Southern Baptists will not be able to vote for Romney. She points to books and articles, currently available on the SBC’s website for its LifeWay publishing empire and bookstore chain, suggesting that this mistrust of Mormonism remains unchanged for many. Indeed, a LifeWay Research poll of 1,000 American Protestant pastors last fall found that 75 percent of respondents did not consider Mormons to be Christians. Ed Stetzer, president of LifeWay Research, explained, “A person can respect a religious group and even appreciate their commitment to traditional moral values without equating their beliefs with Christian orthodoxy.” They can, but whether they will is another question.
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Tuesday, September 11, 2012

Christian Right ministers find ecumenical solidarity with Mormon heathen Mitt Romney

One of the recurring features of mainstream commentary in Presidential election years is speculation about whether there will be split between the Christian Right and business Republicans. The conflict is also described as cultural conservatives vs. economic conservatives, or Main Street Republicans vs. Wall Street Republicans, though I haven't heard the latter in a while.

It never happens. Because the Christian Right are more ecumenical than the commentators keep assuming when it comes to politics. Former Arkansas

Governor Mike Huckabee explained at the Republican National Convention 08/29/2012:



Here's Brother Al Mohler, a leading Southern Baptist theologian and head of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary in Louisville KY, writes in The Great American Worldview Test — The 2012 Election
09/06/2012:

One party claims that no abortions should be legal and the other claims that all abortions should be legal. Each party is driven by their own moral logic. The Republicans are driven by the belief that, at every point of development, every individual human being is sacred and has a fundamental right to life. The Democrats are driven by the belief that the woman's unfettered right to choose an abortion is paramount, and that a woman can demand an abortion at any time for any reason — or for no reason. As their language states, "We oppose any and all efforts to weaken or undermine that right." The most revealing words there are "any" and "all." [my emphasis]
Of course, it's a bald-faced, butt-ugly lie to say that the Democrats want "all" abortions to be legal. The Democrats have been reasonably consistent in adhering to the Roe v. Wade standard that abortion is legal in the first two trimesters, based on the medical fact, unchanged since 1973 except in the fertile imaginations of anti-abortion fanatics, that the fetus cannot survive outside the mother's womb until after that point and therefore medically has to be considered part of the woman's body.

Democrats do advocate that abortions after the second trimester that are necessary to save the life of the mother when the fetus cannot be delivered early.

Shamefully for the Republicans, Brother Al is not lying about their position, based on the official Party platform. I'm sure there are a number of Republicans who would prefer not to go so far as the platform says. But they aren't driving the Party's position, the hardline antiabortion fanatics are.

The major factions in the Republican Party today - Mormon fundamentalists, Catholic fundamentalists, evangelical Protestant fundamentalists and demon-chasing Pentecostal fundamentalists - may each believe the other groups are going to Hell, probably along with numerous members of their very own faction. For instance, check out the dean of Brother Al's school writing about Mormons and how to evangelize them in on the school's website, insisting that Protestant fundamentalists "we must not back away from the sad reality that Mormonism is not even remotely Christian." Mormons plausibly consider themselves to be a Christian faith; Protestants fundamentalists regard them as a cult.

But they are happy to unite in ecumenical unity against the Democratic nominee for President, whether it's Jimmy Carter, Walter Mondale, Michael Dukakis, Bill Clinton, Al Gore, John Kerry or Barack Obama.

Maybe in another 20 years or so, even our star pundits will begin to get a clue about this.

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Friday, March 02, 2012

Santorum's political religion

Given that the Republican Party's factions are now most identifiable by their religious sectarian identities - Mormons, Catholic fundis, Protestant fundis, Pentecostal demon-chasers - it's not surprising that a contested Republican primary season would bring to light more and more about the operative theocratic values of today's Republican Party.

Our friend Brother Al Mohler, considered the leading Southern Baptist theologian, sympathizes with pore Rick Santorum, being persecuted by the mean libruls, as he explains in The Santorum Predicament: A Sign of the Times 02/27/02012.

Consistent with his Catholic faith, Santorum believes that contraception is harmful to women, and that the birth control revolution has been very harmful to society at large.

He has questioned President Obama’s worldview, suggesting that the President's brand of environmentalism is based in a "phoney theology" and not a "biblical theology," since it fails to recognize the central importance of human beings. Mainline Protestantism "is in shambles” he explains, destroyed by liberal theology. "It’s gone from the world of Christianity as I see it," he said.

Back in 2008, Santorum spoke at Ave Maria University in Florida, and told the students that their generation is engaged in "a spiritual war." Referring to Satan, he said: "The Father of Lies has his sights on what you would think the Father of Lies would have his sights on: a good, decent, powerful, influential country - the United States of America."
Brother Al is skilled at mealy-mouthing, but it is clear that he is defending Santorum's positions on these things. He mealy-mouths it by writing, "You do not have to agree with the way Rick Santorum chooses to argue on all issues to recognize the central predicament he represents," without getting around to name any on which he disagrees. He also writes:

Santorum is a Catholic who often sounds, perhaps by intention, like an Evangelical. In any event, his positions on moral issues like marriage and his use of theological language are recognizable to Evangelicals. In terms of the political context, we share a common space.

... The moral convictions Santorum articulates are deeply rooted in the Christian inheritance of Western civilization, but the denial of that inheritance has been a central aim of moral progressives for years. Even many who style themselves as moral conservatives live like moral liberals, with the rules intended to regulate the lives of others, rather than their own.

When moral conservatives reveal their reasoning, the elites hear the launch of a new Inquisition. It is simply incomprehensible to them that sane, rational, educated people might still believe in the Father of Lies. When Catholic Rick Santorum speaks theologically at Catholic Ave Maria University, the secular elites go into toxic shock. The same would be true of an Evangelical politician who would speak theologically of such issues at a truly evangelical college. Speak on love and you will not be in much trouble, but admit that you believe in the Devil and the press corps will go into apoplexy. ...

Well, my guess is that Rick Santorum does indeed sit in critical judgment of the lifestyle of most Americans. [my emphasis]
I've quoted Brother Al at some length because those passages point out a couple of common features of the Christian Right. Santorum may not believe that Protestants are really Christians, and Brother Al may not believe that Catholics and non-fundamentalist Protestants are really Christians. But they are united in opposing the librul Muslim atheist Kenyan President. "In terms of the political context, we share a common space," Brother Al writes.

Brother Al's piece also is drenched through and through with whining about how Christians in America are supposedly terribly persecuted and ridiculed. This a common feature of fundamentalist theocratic thinking. The religious basis of it is that they see themselves as God's faithful remnant, witnessing to a sinful world and protecting themselves from being corrupted by The World.

This self-image contrasts with the idea that they and their Republican Party also represent the Real Americans, some of whom are part of the sinful world. Brother Al says with approval, "my guess is that Rick Santorum does indeed sit in critical judgment of the lifestyle of most Americans."

Authoritarians can hold screaming contradictions like this in the heads without outwardly appearing troubled by them. But in a democratic election that's about winning a majority of votes, it's obviously somewhat problematic to have a candidate and a Party that "indeed sit in critical judgment of the lifestyle of most Americans."

That's part of why Christian Right candidates have to project that "critical judgment of the lifestyle of most Americans" by accusing the America-hatin' libruls of being the ones sitting in passing unfavorable judgment on the way Real Americans live. As in Santorum's now-notorious suggestion that only snobs aspire to attend college, where they are sure to be indoctrinated into atheism by socialistic perfessers.

Aaron Bady has a good analysis of how Santorum synthesizes his narrow fundamentalism with the need to sound like a friend of workers in Santorum's gift Berkeley Blog 02/28/2012. He describes Santorum's worldview this way:

Obama is a "snob," therefore, in the same way Faust was a snob: he thought he could make his own truth, believed he could "pursue new truths, deny the existence of truth, play with it because they're smart." It's a little bit about class, maybe, but it's much more about religious piety, about the kind of pride that goeth before a fall because modernity makes us too free. His jab at Obama, then, is that Obama is this kind of Faust: the phrase "he wants to remake you into his image" has to be heard through Genesis 1:26 ("Let Us make man in Our image, according to Our likeness["]). But this shot at Obama is not only that Obama is a false god and false father — though it is this — but also that he represents, as such, a permissive society’s too-modern sense of the parent and authority, in which the purpose of higher education is not to make you a better worker, but precisely to free the individual from social obligations, and in which parents enable their children to be led astray by the kind of self-gratification (and self-determination) that will lead them to hell. Too much freedom.

When liberation is the problem — and when a "permissive society" becomes a bad thing — indoctrination ceases to be the problem, and becomes the solution. The problem with Obama is that his is the wrong indoctrination: since state-run education takes the power to shape and educate away from parents, Santorum's solution is for parents to take their power back, and this leads him to argue — quite distinctly — that it should be parents who (metaphorically) play God with their children: "I want to create jobs so people can remake their children into their image not his." The idea of people making themselves in the image of their own dreams and desires is not — and cannot be — on the agenda. New truths will get in the way of The Truth. [my emphasis in bold]
Santorum has manifested several others of the most problematic aspects of the fundamentalist outlook: hostility to science; opposition to birth control and sexuality in general; rejection of women's rights; the crackpot revisionist view of American history associated with David Barton and the Christian homeschooling movement; "Biblical capitalism" that adopts the views of the Great God Free Market as being those of Jesus.

Another one that struck many people are bizarre - and rightly so! - was his view that environmentalism in general is an false and therefore evil theology in itself. Like "Biblical capitalism," this view of environmentalism shows the heavy influence of Christian dominionism. Rachel Tabachnick gives some background on this view in Santorum not Source of 'Phony Theology' Idea, Origins in 'Biblical Economics' Partnership Talk to Action 02/21/2012. Julie Ingersoll has an analysis of it in Obama's 'Phony Religion' is Environmentalism, Santorum Explains Religion Dispatches 02/27/2012.
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Monday, December 12, 2011

Postmortems on the Herman Cain campaign

Herman Cain's now-ended campaign for the Republican Presidential nomination opened a useful window into the politics of race in today's Republican Party. For many whites who don't much like African-American at all, Cain is a model for what a "good Negro" should be. Above all, he rejects the notion that white racism is a problem for black Americans.


Chauncey DeVega says goodbye to the Herman Cain Presidential campaign in The Final Herman Cain Round-Up: the Race Minstrel Meme; Cain as Affirmative Action Baby; Ishmael and Crouch Go Hard WARN 12/06/2011. Vega has been a pungent critic of what he calls Cain's "race minstrelsy". He provides a handy set of links for Cain campaign round-ups. Or is that wind-ups?

One of them is Mark Anthony Neal, Performing Herman Cain Huffington Post 12/05/2011. Neal writes that "Cain's candidacy has been shrouded in so much absurdity, that it's hard to see him as anything other than a performance artist." And he gives a good description of the minstrel show aspect of Cain's performance:

Both Obama and Cain's vocal performances are reminders of the role that the voice has played in establishing the "authenticity" of Blackness. One hundred years ago when Black "black-faced" minstrels were in open competition with White "black-faced" minstrels over who were the real "darkies," the tipping point occurred with the development of the phonograph and the "talkies" (motion pictures with sound), and the ability of Black artists -- most prominently Bert Williams -- to approximate Blackness in sound (as opposed to the use of black vernacular language) in ways that were more challenging for White "black-faced" minstrels; Al Jolson simply sounded like he was trying to sound Black.

Despite his "sound of Blackness" Cain had been successful reaching a broader audience than expected, in large part of his deft negotiation of racial nostalgia and racial accommodation -- none which makes him any less Black or so-called self-hating, but simply more willing to work within the constraints of a highly racialized society, on that society's terms. It goes without saying, perhaps, that Cain is a racial throwback.

The oft-cited example of Cain's experiences at Morehouse College in the 1960s, where his father insisted that he "stay out of trouble," in an era when Black college students were indeed starting trouble and changing the world for the better -- even at an institution known today for its marked social conservatism. This admission on Cain's part, no doubt strikes a chord for potential voters who still read President Obama as postmodern Black Power radical, as embodied in the frank racial talk of his life partner Michele Obama during the throes of the 2008 primary season.

That bit of autobiographical positioning on Cain's part was easy; more deliberate -- and complicated -- has been his performance of spirituals, at any number on campaign events. His willingness to take on the role of the minstrel -- the American brand of traveling bards who traveled the country, telling stories of far away lands, and not to be mistaken with the "black-faced" variety, who traveled the land embodying "the other" in Blackness -- has in some way been a stroke of performative genius, no matter how uncomfortable it makes the Black rank-and-file feel.
Cain's troubles around sex and sexual harassment also fit nicely into a negative white stereotype of black men, despite the fact that his defenders like Rush Limbaugh accused liberals of being the ones harboring such stereotypes. Psychological projection plays an outsize role for today's Republicans.

From the conservative fundamentalist camp, we have:

Cal Thomas, We're a Bipolar Country When It Comes to Adultery NewsBusters 12/05/2011. Short version: the country is going to hell in a handbasket because some time around 1969, people started committing adultery.

Wade Burleson, Lessons from Herman Cain: The Blood of Christ Cleanses My Conscience to Serve God 12/06/2011. Short version: Republicans sinners who get caught should perform the proper public rituals of repentance.

Brother Al" Mohler, For Christian Men: The Lessons of Herman Cain 12/05/2011. short version: we like Republican minstrel-show African-American types but they shouldn't get caught with their pants down.

Especially knowing what a chronic mealy-mouther Brother Al is, it's hard not to read his column as how-to advice for ministers and church officials to cover up affairs more effectively.

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Wednesday, March 17, 2010

Baptists vs. Beck (kinda-sorta): Brother Al Mohler

Brother Al Mohler, a few years ago

I mentioned in my previous post on Glenn Beck's attack on the Christian concept of "social justice" that Brother Al Mohler, the most prominent theologian of the SBC and hardline Christianist, addresses at length at his blog in Glenn Beck, Social Justice, and the Limits of Public Discourse 03/15/10.

Brother Al's approach is more mealy-mouthed and focused on a different type of fundamentalist criticism of Beck's Mormon heathenism than Richard Land's response discussed in the previous post. He frames the issue the way Baptist ministers and David Brooks are inclined to favor, in the tolerant voice of an observer looking down upon the dirty conflict:

Some of those outraged by Beck's statements immediately insisted that social justice is the very heart of the Gospel, while others insisted with equal force that Beck had offered a courageous call for Christians to flee liberal churches that had abandoned the Gospel.

As anyone familiar with incendiary public debates should have expected, though the truth is a bit harder to determine.
Brother Al also notes, in passing, that Glenn Beck is "a convert to Mormonism." After citing a few verses of Scripture referring to justice, he even says that Beck's statement was "nonsense" and "reckless" and unfair. Then he proceeds to endorse Beck's indictment of them thar librul Christians:

A closer look at his statements reveals a political context. He made a specific reference to Rev. Jeremiah Wright and to other priests or preachers who would use "social justice" and "economic justice" as "code words." Is there anything to this?

Of course there is. Regrettably, there is no shortage of preachers who have traded the Gospel for a platform of political and economic change, most often packaged as a call for social justice.
He then gives an historical explanation of his position, which I won't try to elaborate here. But to understand how he's approaching it, it's helpful to know that Christian fundamentalism as we know it is historically a relatively recent phenomenon, emerging among American Protestants in the decades of 1870-1910. It consisted of two strands of Protestantism which merged into an identifiable movement. One strand was "dispensationalism", which is roughly the ideas around the End Times that are incorporated into the apocalyse-porn Left Behind novels. It's pretty much what we also mean by "Christian Zionism".

The other strand was the notion of Biblical "inerrancy", which in the lingo meant that Scriptures were the directly inspired Word of God, with a tiny bit of wiggle room provided by the qualification that this was so in the original "autographs" of the Biblical books, meaning the very first original versions, none of which of course are extant. In practice, this literalist interpretation of the Bible meant understanding Christianity in terms of conservative Protestant beliefs, using the Bible for pulling "proof-texts" more than for trying to understand entire books in their context. And when it comes to End Times speculation, incorporating some wildly fanciful and imaginative interpretations into their supposedly literalist readings of the Bible. This meant that all contemporary scholarly research on the Bible was highly suspect, being based as it was largely on the approaches of German Biblical scholars using what they saw as the historical-critical method. That approached was denounced by fundis, who tended to call it Higher Criticism or Liberalism or liberal theology or simply "German", all used as terms of reproach.

Within the fundamentalist movement of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, there were two distinct approaches to political involvement and social activism among fundamentalists. Although fundamentalism at that time was not so exclusively linked to political conservatism as it is now, the different approaches had to do with how much emphasis fundis should put on political-social activism. One trend emphasized trying to impose godly ways through the law, as in their jihad against the teaching of evolution in public schools which produced the famous Scopes Monkey Trial. The other trend emphasized evangelism (proselytizing), arguing that if everyone would become Christians ("get saved"), that social and political problems would take care of themselves.

For those familiar with the controversy, Brother Al's criticism of Beck reads like a statement of the concentrate-on-evangelism option. But in fact, his version turns out to be an even more emphatic agreement with Beck than Richard Land's:

The last century has seen many churches and denominations embrace the social gospel in some form, trading the Gospel of Christ for a liberal vision of social change, revolution, economic liberation, and, yes, social justice. Liberal Protestantism has largely embraced this agenda as its central message.

The urgency for any faithful Christian is this -- flee any church that for any reason or in any form has abandoned the Gospel of Christ for any other gospel.
This is classic conservative mealy-mouthing. With this column, Brother Al can say that he strongly condemned Beck's comment when talking to godless secular and heathen liberal reporters. But to true believers in the Gospel Of Low Taxes For The Wealthy, it's clear that Brother Al is very much agreeing with Beck's attack on anything that resembles the evil liberal version of "social justice".

It may not be the kind of lukewarmness that the Book of Revelations speaks about, which makes Jesus spew the lukewarm churches out of his mouth. But Richard Land's and Brother Al's brand of mealy-mouthed hardline conservatism does kind of make me wanted to spew.

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Tuesday, March 16, 2010

Baptists vs. Beck (kinda-sorta): Richard Land

I'm sorry, but this is a classic example of Southern Baptist mealy-mouthing: SBC [Southern Baptist Convention] leaders criticize Beck's choice of words, but say he has a point by Bob Allen Associated Baptist Press 03/15/10. The article has the face of our friend Brother Al Mohler staring at us. The topic is Glenn Beck's warning that the phrase "social justice" when uttered by a preacher just means Commie and/or Nazi subversion.

Brother Al, the most prominent theologian of the SBC, addresses the issue at length at his blog in Glenn Beck, Social Justice, and the Limits of Public Discourse 03/15/10.

Richard Land, a longtime senior figure of the SBC (he heads the SBC's Southern Baptist Convention's Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission and is in practice the SBC's leading voice on social-political issues), Glenn Beck, social justice and the church on a 03/13/10 radio program.

Here was the statement by Glenn Beck that is their topic, as quoted in Brother Al's blog post from Beck's 03/02/10 radio show:

I beg you, look for the words "social justice" or "economic justice" on your church Web site. If you find it, run as fast as you can. Social justice and economic justice, they are code words. Now, am I advising people to leave their church? Yes! If I'm going to Jeremiah's Wright's church? Yes! Leave your church. Social justice and economic justice. They are code words. If you have a priest that is pushing social justice, go find another parish. Go alert your bishop and tell them, "Excuse me are you down with this whole social justice thing?" I don't care what the church is. If it's my church, I'm alerting the church authorities: "Excuse me, what's this social justice thing?" And if they say, "Yeah, we're all in that social justice thing," I'm in the wrong place.
Land's view is somewhat more straightforward than Brother Al's, although he's not specifically defending non-fundamentalist Christian churches against Beck's attack over "social justice". He doesn't like Beck because Beck's a Mormon. Fundamentalist Christians don't consider Mormonism part of Christianity, though the main Mormon group, the Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter-Day Saints, views themselves as Christian and mainstream Christian denominations recognize them as such. Land makes it clear in his radio segment that he shares the fundi position on that question.

But the Christian Right generally doesn't let religious sectarianism interfere with cooperating with heathens and reprobates on conservative political matters. Land didn't like Beck's complete rejection of the concept of "social justice", nor Beck's comment that conservatives should leave churches that support "social justice". Politics is politics, as Joe Stalin said on a famous occasion (when he was about to make his non-aggression pact with Hitler Germany). But SBC leaders can't just ignore attempts to use politics to have heathen Mormons try to poach from their congregations. So Land had some pushback over that matter.

But Land also makes it clear that he doesn't want to surrender the Christian concept of "social justice" to mainstream Christians. As he repeats several times in the radio program, he wants to advocate "social justice" in the form of outlawing abortion and longer prison terms. At about 22:00ff in the tape, he describes explains, "taxes are not voluntary." And therefore the notion of a public program financed by taxes doesn't fit into the SBC concept of social justice for the poor, which focuses on voluntary charitable contributions. He elaborates by explaining how "liberals ... want to turn around and impose their morals on me by saying that they're gone take my money that I've earned, and give it to people who, er, uh, who haven't earned it."

Well, you know, we preach social justice. Uh, we preach, uh, uh, that there should be no discrimination. Ah, but for me social justice is defending the unborn. For me, social justice is, is, ah, ah, trying to, ah, trying to protect those who, who can't protect themselves. I mean, I, for me, social justice is keeping sex offenders in jail, so they can't prey on, uh, young girls, uh, when you know they're going to.
So, if you're idea of "social justice" is keeping the dang loose wimmin in line and keepin' blacks in jail (most Southern lynchings back in the day were based on accusation of rape or attempted rape), you wouldn't hear anything in that presentation that would cause you to lose confidence that the SBC sees things your way. I grew up in a Mississippi town where the brave white respectable white men of the town in 1942 tortured and murdered to 14-year-old African-American boys because they had allegedly spoken improperly to the daughter of a particularly bigoted local white guy. So Land's version of "social justice" sounds depressingly familiar to me.

Presumably, Land wouldn't be inclined to endorse the hermeneutics (Biblical interpretation) of Hassidic scholar Abraham Joshua Heschel, who argued that the concept of justice in the Hebrew Bible had the very specific meaning of siding with the poor against the rich. But according to Land's theology, Heschel was a Jew and he went to Hail when he died, so who cares what he says about justice?

Land also several times uses the kind of mirror-image reversal of which dogmatic conservatives are so especially fond. He cites Martin Luther King's fight against racial discrimination and says it was a good thing he fought for anti-discrimination laws. In the real world, white Southern fundamentalists were almost uniformly bitter opponents of King's, and today's conservatives aren't the least comfortable with King's actual positions on race, social justice or war. But in the mirror-image scam, King wanted everyone to be judged by their character, not the color of their skin, so anti-discrimination laws that take any account whatsoever of race are wrong - especially in looking to see if people of a certain race are being discriminated against - are wrong.

But white conservatives like to claim that Christians are being persecuted and discriminated against all the time in the US and make a big deal of whining about that. They also like to argue that outlawing abortion and driving women in need of the procedure to the back-alley and coathanger approaches just like back in the good ole days is also an anti-discrimination measure, to prevent discrimination against the unborn.

As weird as that sounds, that segment by Land, including his interaction with his callers, shows people working from just that framework.

The bottom line on Land's criticism of Beck is that he agrees with Beck's criticism of mainstream and liberal Christian (i.e., non-fundamentalist) concepts of "social justice" but doesn't like Beck's marketing approach. And he is leery of any hint of proselytizing by those heathen, Hell-bound Mormons.

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Tuesday, June 03, 2008

Recalling "the sixties": sometimes a sad undertaking


Groovy couple Sonny and Cher: he went on to become a Republican Congressman

I've been reading quite a bit lately about "the sixties", which in a political and cultural sense basically means 1960-1973, more or less.

This weekend I found myself thinking about the really sad and tragic aspects to that period in the US. And one of those features is that there was a massive reform movement that brought a lot of people actively into the political process that appears to have ended in defeat.

That's not really true, of course. It took forever, but the antiwar movement did have a tremendous effect on forcing a pullout from Vietnam. Or, to put it another way, forced Congress and the Nixon and Ford administrations to recognize that "victory" was impossible at any cost that remotely made sense. The term "Vietnam Syndrome" is generally use as a pejorative. But that's because a large part of our political, military and media Establishment still view war as a good and glamorous thing, so that a healthy public skepticism about military involvements is regarded as something akin to an illness.

Let's hope we can have an "Iraq Syndrome" that's even more effective in restraining the war-loving Dick Cheneys of our country in years to come. The longer the Afghanistan War goes on, the more I'm beginning to think how we come to grips with that disaster could turn out to be more decisive in the long run than how we resolve the Iraq War.

After the pathetic performance of Congress in relation to the Iraq War, it's hard to believe that in the 1980s, the Congress was able to impose on St. Reagan's administration an actual bans on US aid to Nicaraguan counter-revolutionaries (the Contras). Ollie North's infamous rogue foreign policy team was set up to evade those restrictions. As we know, that extra-legal operation became the template for the entire Cheney-Bush foreign policy. But the Vietnam Syndrome was still strong enough in the 1980s that Congress was willing to outright defy the patriotic hoo-hah from the Reagan administration and ban them from doing something destructive and extremely ill-advised.

The enfranchisement of African-American citizens and the end of the formal segregation system in the South were major advances for democracy. And they weren't won easily. That is certainly a lasting legacy of "the sixties", though the civil rights movement preceded "the sixties" and was the main political trend that gave birth to "the sixties". A stronger group consciousness and confidence among African-Americans is also an enduring legacy of that period.

But one of the things I find sobering about reading some of the contemporary material from that time, which of course also carries a flavor of the intensity of the arguments going on, is that I've been more influenced than I would like to think by the postage-stamp, "I Have a Dream" picture of the accomplishments of the civil rights movement of that time. Conventional wisdom tends to picture reaction against the civil rights and anti-poverty movements as a "white backlash". But what is called the "backlash" was actually the gruesome face of both personal and institutional racism that was there all along. It wasn't any prettier then than in 1954 or 1928. But it had finally lost some significant battles.

But institutional racism hasn't gone away. We see a new variation of it - not entirely new, actually - in the current anti-immigrant movement. One manifestation of institutional racism in the media is that way that the press just cheerfully ignores the fact that the bold Maverick McCain had chucked his previous "moderate" immigration policy and embraced the nativist line of the Republican base. Hell, to our punditocracy, it's just a bunch of low-class Mexicans, who cares what McCain actually says about them. Reporting the latest version of why they think Hillary Clinton is a "white bitch" is much more of a priority.

Is the current status of undocumented immigrant workers and their families so much different than the de facto segregation system in the South prior to 1970 or so? Some of the more insane features of the segregation system are missing, e.g., whites-only water fountains. But a large part of our economy is dependent on important workers, and specifically on workers entering the country without proper legal authorization. They can't vote. They have to worry every time they see someone representing the government about getting deported. They are vilified in the most disgusting ways by white supremacists, facilitated by media enablers like CNN's loathsome Lou Dobbs. Their legal status means that they can be arbitrarily targeted by a boss or a creditor or just some nasty person from the majority and legally sent back to their home country.

The way they are treated by immigration officials is a genuine national disgrace. See Digby's post, A Lethal Limbo 06/01/08. As long as crimes like this are routinely being committed by US officials, don't anyone ask me to call this "the greatest country in the history of the universe". I'll leave that to those for whom patriotism means only, "Yee-haw! Let's kill us some foreigners for Jesus!"

Old-fashioned lynching isn't common, though some of the nativist bigots talk as though they would like it to be. Today, we outsource lynching to the "coyotes" (smugglers) who sometimes leave their victims in lethal death traps, like locked, crowded vans abandoned in the desert. And if our Berlin Wall on the Mexican border and our rotten-to-the-bone immigration policy forces immigrants onto the most dangerous terrain and some of them die in the attempt to cross, well, I guess they just "made bad choices", didn't they?

There are other aspects of real progress that came out of "the sixties". The women's movement did get a big boost during the period and emerged as a major force by the early 1970s. "GLBT" rights was not much of a mainstream public issue in "the sixties". But the hippie movement and the more openly critical attitude toward traditional repressive values around sex and relationships did give a boost to the gay rights movement, as well. Students did acquire more respect from their colleges and universities, though the administrations had to be pulled kicking and screaming in that direction. Curricula were expanded to address emerging social concerns. Eighteen-year-olds got the vote, and change that Nixon opposed as President.

Part of the reason that it can seem like the reform movements of "the sixties" failed. And in many ways, they did. There were fundamental issues in American society that were raised by the democratic reform movements of those days that have not been adequately addressed. To put it mildly.

The "culture warriors" have a schizophrenic attitude toward whether those reform movements won or lost. On the one hand, they're sure that they are part of a Silent Majority (Nixon's famous term) that rejected all that vile hippie/Black Power/antiwar stuff. And yet at the same time, they're convinced that there's a Liberal Elite that continues to shove the values of "the sixties" down their innocent white throats.

Here's a quickie version of "the sixties" from our old friend Brother Al in his 06/02/08 blog post, Ten for the History Books - Summer Reading [Part 1]. Here's Brother Al's take on a book from someone with the conservative think-tank, the Manhattan Institute, called Camelot and the Cultural Revolution: How the Assassination of John F. Kennedy Shattered American Liberalism by James PIereson(2007):

James Piereson argues that the assassination of President John F. Kennedy represented nothing less than a major turning point in American history -- but one which would take some time to become fully apparent. As Piereson, senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, argues, liberalism supplied much of the energy that drove our politics during the greater part of the twentieth century. It now seems clear that Kennedy's assassination had the effect of draining much of that political energy out of the liberal movement.

Piereson makes his case that the death of President Kennedy lead to a break-up of the old liberal order, a shift to far more radical movements on the Left, and the transformation of liberalism from cultural optimism to a "punitive liberalism" that turned against the American ethos. Camelot and the Cultural Revolution is a book that helps the last four decades come into far better focus. (my emphasis)
Yeah, right, Kennedy was a "good" liberal in this version, compared to those hippie commie pinkos like Lyndon Johnson. This is a silly game. It's not hard with anyone with access to the Internet or a public library to check out what the Brother Als during the Kennedy administration thought of his handling of things like the integration of the University of Mississippi.

One of the Brother Als of that time, Billy James Hargis, ran an outfit called the Christian Crusade. They put out a pamphlet called The Truth About Segregation which declared: "The entire problem that confronts America today was bred in the pits of Communist debauchery and conspiracy. ... Segregation is one of nature's universal laws. ... It is my conviction that God ordained segregation."

Yeah, I'm sure Billy James Hargis though Jack Kennedy was one of the good liberals. Unlike the ones "bred in the pits of Communist debauchery".

A guy named Kenneth A. Rahn's has an Academic JFK Assassination Site that has a whole section on Kennedy's critics which includes The Far Left (1964) if you would like to get a flavor of what the Christian Right of that time was like. (As long as we're being hopeful, maybe a new Democratic administration can clean up the copyright laws so that Google or academic institutions or the Library of Congress can post definitive versions of historical texts like this, so we won't have to worry so much about whether they've been doctored.)

Here's one example of his turgid prose from those excerpts. The bogeyman today is Islamofascistodefeatocratunism instead of simple Communism. But the standard Republican radio ranter today often pictures a similar state of affairs being perpetrated by the new all-powerful Enemy:

However, in all fairness, the thing that should concern Americans most is not the number of Americans who vote for Communist candidates in an election or who support the Communist Party or join Communist fronts, but is the countless number of Americans who are being influenced by the seed of Soviet philosophy which is sown by columnists of the daily papers, by clever writers in magazine articles, by thousands of school teachers in the classroom, by many a college and university professor, by ultra-left clergymen, by the movies, by the television networks, by the radio networks, and, more particularly, through organizations with high-sounding, deceptive, and even appealing names. If it were not for the manner in which the left-wing press has misled people, Communism would have no possible appeal except perhaps to the destitute, to the indolent, to those who can be so easily emotionally aroused against the rich. Having nothing to lose and being promised much under the new order, such people readily listen to the Communist promoter. But the cleverness of Comintern propaganda has made Communism look good even to many men of wealth and to men of culture. As Senate Document No. 14 stated, “The Bolshevik movement in the United States would have sapped its own energies and disintegrated or have degenerated into pure anarchy if it had not been for the support and assistance it has constantly received from the so-called parlor Bolsheviks and pink revolutionists in America. They have served the function of keeping it alive and on an active footing, when otherwise the efforts of Lenin and the Communist international would have failed.” (my emphasis)
Yes, creeps like this were part of "the sixties", too. Another thing that came make studying about that period sad. His counterparts of today are still obsessing over "pink revolutionists", although in those days it meant Communist-leaning.

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