Showing posts with label allen tate. Show all posts
Showing posts with label allen tate. Show all posts

Tuesday, April 26, 2011

Confederate "Heritage" Month 2011, April 26: Allen Tate on 19th century history

Southern Agrarian Allen Tate has a review in The American Review 2:2 (Dec 1933) of a book by Herbert Agar, The People's Choice. Tate elaborates a strange political history of the United States. In this paragraph, he seems to slip up and admit that the abolition of slavery may have had something to do with the Civil War:

No avowedly democratic state has made a serious effort to make equality of economic opportunity a social relaity; for this concession to the peole would haved jeopardized the plutocratic aims of the middles class [here he means capitalists]. In this country Jacksonian democracy stopped with the fiction of social equality. Economic inequality and the fictitious character of social equality provide the first step of American capitalism to rationalize its power. Working with the reality of economic disparity, capitalism made secure the doctrine of social equality, and fought on that basis the War Between the States, which finally consolidated its power. [my emphasis]
Tate's Southern Agrarian vision insists that the "Jacksonian" policy of social equality is a lie. Part of the Southern Agrarian schtick was to use "capitalism" as a pejorative against Yankee industrialism. There actually is a serious discussion among historians as to what extent the antebellum Southern economy had feudal as distinct from distinctly capitalist features. But the business of Southern agriculture was carried on within a capitalist economy. It takes some imagination for the Agrarians to conceive of the antebellum South or of postwar subsistence forming as somehow other than "capitalist."

Tate gets all Calhounian here, using arguments that could be cut and pasted to sound like a leftwing, labor-oriented criticism of the capitalist system. But it isn't. It's an indictment of the Yankee political and economic system in Lost Cause terms. In a particular twist, though, that I don't recall encountering elsewhere, he makes the historical argument this way:

Our capitalism [Yankee industrialism] has contrived to make, first, a special myth of its own origin: the myth that it rose with the salvation of democracy and the Union. It has constructed, secondly a pseudo-moral sanction fo itself: its origin being heroic, its mission to the American people is necessarily to give them the benefits of "democracy". ...

American capitalism has thus followed the pattern typical of all ruling classes: it has disgusied its origins and it has issued a "moral" sanction. It is becoming increasingly evident to the historians that the transitional period of early American politics, known as democracy, was not perpetuated, but was crushed out of existence by the Confederate War; and that the Union, instead of being preserved as a real union of interests, survived as a fiction by which capitalism enormously extended its power, at the expense of local, agricultural interests.
For those of us not blessed with the conservative passion, this kind of convoluted argument is less a wonder to be admired than a headache-inducing mind-twister. My own translation of this would be: The Yankees are big ole hypocrites, because they like to talk about democracy and national unity but really they destroyed both! We had real democracy when chattel slavery was legal, when the slaveowners shut down freedom of speech and the press even for whites who wanted to criticized slavery in the South and worked hard to impose the same regime on the North, and when slave states thought they could just overthrow the Constitutional government in a bloody civil war whenever they decided the Yankees were offending their Sacred Honor too much. And so now, everyone - even inferior sorts like blacks and women - theoretically have the right to vote and to fair trials and the like, and that's un-democracy. And the nation is united but that's just a big fake and the Civil War actually destroyed the Union.

Well, I guess something that is gobbledygook in the original is a bit hard to translate into something reasonably intelligible. But as far as I can tell, that's the general idea.

I don't want to tag Herbert Agar with Tate's dubious analysis. But in the world of up-is-down history writing that Tate reads from Agar, it wasn't Andrew Jackson who routed what the Democrats of that time called the Money Power in the form of the Bank of the United States. Instead, it was his predecessor and bitter opponent, John Quincy Adams! Tate writes that Agar's "portrait of J.Q. Adams as the last president who made a serious attempt to rescue the country from the explotiation of money power will doubtless influence future writers, and correct a prevailing error in American history." Well, maybe in some future Southern Agrarian dystopia of subsistence farming when most people won't have access to all that thar useless book-l'arnin'.

But Tate gives the following quote from Agar, which gives another headache-causing historical interpretation of a weird Lost Cause variant, which makes Abraham Lincoln into a Confederate at heart! Agar, with Tate's brackets:

[L]incoln had no knowledge of the economic revolution that was taking place, no prevision of its effects on politics. It is this ignorance that accounts for Lincoln's belief that the Southerners were seceding because of what they thought was a threat to slavery. When they disregarded his honest and explicit promsies that their slave property would not be touched, Lincoln thought they were bemused by disloyal leaders. ... There is no telling whether he would have made [war] if he had realized that the South was fighting for an agrarian society against the threat of a business man's oligarchy. Lincoln would have hated that oligarchy almost as much as did Jefferson Davis, and if he had grasped the main issue, Lincoln might have felt that his real fight lay elsewhere.
We can safely count this as proof that crackpot history did not begin with Glenn Beck!

Tate concludes his dose of Southern Agrarian history-writing with the following that directly follows the Lincoln quote. It explains that because Honest Abe didn't recognize that he really in his heart of hearts supported Jefferson Davis, now the Commies may git us!

Because the real fight lay outside the false issue of freedom or slavery, capitalism was able to step in, in the Reconstruction, and seize the power. After we have bemused ourselves with the equally false issue of "capitalism v. the work", what monster will rise upon our delusion to enslave us again? It is likely that its name will be Communism - a new rationalization of industrial power copleting the reduction of free citizens to the ignominy of servitude.
Tate's review is another grounds to suspect that Southern Agrarianism had less to do with imagining an agrarian ideal than with defending Southern "folkways" with all the Lost Cause pseudohistory baggage that came with it.

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Monday, April 18, 2011

Confederate "Heritage" Month 2001, April 18: Allen Tate's "Modest Proposal" for unemployment

Southern Agrarian Allen Tate contributed the lead article, "Unemployment: A Modest Proposal" to The American Review 1:2 (May 1933). As we've seen, Tate in his essay in the I'll Take My Stand (1930) made the rhetorical inquiry:

We are very near an answer to our question - How may the Southerner take hold of his Tradition?

The answer is, by violence.

For this answer is inevitable. ...

This method is political, active and, in the nature of the case, violent and revolutionary. Reaction is the most radical of programs; it aims at cutting away the overgrowth and getting back to the roots.
"A Modest Proposal" was the name of a famous satire by Jonathan Swift (1667–1745), the full title of which was, "A Modest Proposal for Preventing the Children of Poor People in Ireland From Being a Burden to Their Parents or Country, and for Making Them Beneficial to the Public" (1729). One of the most famous satires in literature, Ricardo Quintana in his article on Swift in the Encyclopædia Britannica (2006 Ultimate Reference Suite DVD) describes it as follows:

"A Modest Proposal" is a grimly ironic letter of advice in which a public-spirited citizen suggests that Ireland's overpopulation and dire economic conditions could be alleviated if the babies of poor Irish parents were sold as edible delicacies to be eaten by the rich.
George Wittkowsky in "Swift's Modest Proposal: The Biography of an Early Georgian Pamphlet" Journal of the History of Ideas 4:1 (Jan 1943) wrote that "A Modest Proposal" was not only a "satire directed against conditions in Ireland" but also a criticism of "the theories and attitudes that rendered such conditions possible."

So giving his article the subtitle of "modest proposal" was a clear signal to the readers that it is a satire. The ostensible point of his satire is that the Southern Agrarian bogeyman of industrialism, which he here calls both "the American system" and Capitalism, has all sorts of problems that can only be fixed by the vague utopia of Agrarianism. In the ironic mode, the narrator assumes the pose of a defender of Yankee industrialism, and defines the virtues of Agrarianism by criticizing it.

This is confusing now, and undoubtedly was as well to readers in 1933. As I've discussed in earlier posts, the Southern Agrarians may have taken their agricultural ideal seriously as such. But their emphasis was on defended the (white) South against criticism from the North, including its so-called folkways on race relations and opposing the economic development of the South along the lines of the rest of the country. It was a distinctively and self-consciously reactionary program, as Tate's quote at the beginning of this post indicates.

It was also exotic. The American Review defined itself as a journal of Radicals of the Right/Conservative Revolutionaries. Americans defining themselves in similar ways in 1933 are likely to be overt defenders of capitalism as such. The Christian Reconstructionist arguments that are so influential on today's Radical Right emphasize the alleged Biblical mandate for capitalism, as Peter Montgomery explains in Jesus Hates Taxes: Biblical Capitalism Created Fertile Anti-Union Soil Religion Dispatches 03/14/2011.

That was not so completely the case in 1933; some radical right criticisms of the existing order of things nominally attacked capitalism, as Tate does in this essay. That part of his approach would have looked more familiar in 1933 than today. Southern Agrarian ideology, though, was not nearly so familiar, not least because the "agrarian" content was so vague. So it's hard to say how likely it is that the readers of that essay in 1933 understood this to be a defense of a Southern Agrarian alternative to industrial capitalism. I've been immersing myself in this Southern Agrarian writing for this month's series of posts. But it's not entirely obvious to me here what Tate is trying to say in favor of Agrarian thinking and what is his caricature of what defenders of Yankee industrialism would say in exaggeration about Agrarianism.

One part of Tate's Swiftian proposal is to turn some of the the unemployed into prostitutes. Including some of the men!

But his main "modest proposal" to eliminate unemployment is this. I'm quoting it at some length to include some of the nuances:

There is a certain number of useless persons. If that number increases or is even allowed to remain constant, it will, as we have seen, constitute a dire menace to order. It is the fate of labour - and who will question the logic of history? - to be placed as it is placed now. Society would suffer the least rupture, and be spared that violence to its sympathy - a peculiarly modern refinement of feeling - if it quietly, and in the ordinary routine of industrial technology, killed off about eight million workers and their families.

It should be done, all things considered, gradually, but completed in a year lest there should be an abnormal increase of that class of persons, with the attendant perils. By looking at this scrapped property [the disposed-of workers and their families] as raw material, not as productive machinery as we usually do, industry could be put to use. Economy and expediency alike suggest this course. Merely to administer to twenty-five millions of souls some kind of euthanasia would shock the public with its hideous spectacle of waste. To lay them out, even in our handsomest "burial parks", would be a serious abuse of the concept of property-in-labour - the temporary assumption upon which the whole procedure here suggested would be based. To grant to mere possessions all the rites historically allowed at the demise of sentient creatures would of course invalidate the entire program. ...

I need not suggest any precise method of putting away these good people. I need not suggest that the method be painless. We are too humane for the axe, guillotine, rope, or firing-squad. I should personally prefer some kind of lethal gas, but not being a chemist, I leave that proposal to the specialists. There should be some kind of brief ceremony before each demise - a sort of half-ceremony, to remind us that these people are half-human. Perhaps the rite could be conveniently administered to groups, or put upon the air. It would be appropriate if a distinguished pastor of the church - whose Protestant branches have marched in the vanguard of progress - could be appointed to receive the herds at the pens. ...

It may be argued against this scheme that twenty-five million people would yield less raw material than the same number of hogs. The objection is sound but short-sighted. ...

For example, that "deep inward satisfaction" that the public gets out of a fine, animal-skin glove would deepen further could men and women wear the whole skin of a hand meticulously removed and tanned into a soft, seamless glove. The "fine art of cookery" would get a richer base for oleomargarine and the shortening oils. The potash and sodium chloride [from the bodies] would revise the slogan, "25¢ is enough to pay for toothpaste", to ""This toothpaste is cheap at any price: Human dentifrice for humanity". [my emphasis in bold]
I doubt that many (or even any) readers took him literally in this. The Nazi Holocaust was still years in the future, so the reference to gassing people wouldn't have immediately brought Auschwitz to mind, as it is likely to do for a reader in 2011.

But still: this was 1933, 15 years after the end of the First World War, in whose horrors and massive carnage the use of poison gas loomed large. Even allowing for the pre-Holocaust setting when this would not have recalled the discussion at the Wansee Conference, this "modest proposal" sounds more psychopathic than ironic to me.

The one time I heard the late, great Texas columnist Molly Ivins speak in person, she talked about the main function of satire as the weapon of the powerless against the powerful. She contrasted this to Rush Limbaugh mean-white-guy version of "humor," in which derision is often directed against those in trouble and with little or no power, rather than against elected officials or those holding some other form of power in society.

At best, Tate's irony in "Unemployment: A Modest Proposal" defends a vague and dubious Southern Agrarian ideology with overt reactionary aims against his image of Yankee industrial capitalism - and the non-segregationist brand of democracy with which the Southern Agrarians identified it. To me, it reads less as an indictment of the meanness of industrial capitalism and more like just plain mean.

And it sounds even more so when you pair it with his essay in I'll Take My Stand in which he defended the Agrarian approach as a likely to require an approach that would be "political, active and, in the nature of the case, violent and revolutionary. Reaction is the most radical of programs; it aims at cutting away the overgrowth and getting back to the roots."

He wasn't claiming that one to be ironic.

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