Showing posts with label conservadems. Show all posts
Showing posts with label conservadems. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 25, 2018

Corporate Democrats keep on being corporate Dems

David Sirota has it right on the chronic advice to Democrats to stick to "safe" centrist positions:


His wife is currently running as a Democrat for a state legislative seat in Colorado.

The corporate Democrats and their donors have developed a formula they invoke year in and year out, after successes and after failures: Democrats have to rely on centrist candidates and centrist positions.

The Beltway Village conventional wisdom, at least as persistent as the Democratic centrist obsession, is that "America is a center-right country." Just ask Chuck Todd.

Sadly typical of the sclerotic state of major Democratic leaders is that they want a replay of the past to be performed in what they take to be the most risk-free manner: Democrats Look To Their Successful 2006 Messaging In Bid To Retake The House HuffPost 04/21/2018. Nancy Pelosi wants to put corruption front-and-center in 2016, that of the Trump Administration of course. And they should be raising holy hell about that. On the other hand, they are tiptoing around the whole question of impeachment. And the Democrats can't even maintain a united front against an atrocious nominee for Secretary of State like Mike Pompeo. They've also done a pretty lame job in how they've treated the Russia-Russia-Russia issue, because they can't resist the temptation to link it with hawkish foreign policy posturing, which the Democratic base mostly really does not want to hear.

And the former Senate leader Harry Reid, who I liked despite his tendency to centrism on may issues, joins in with the dreary litany: Quint Forgey, Reid warns Democrats to lay off impeachment talk Politico 04/25/2018.

Nothing I could say about that would add to what Oliver Willis has already said:


Ryan Grim and Lee Fang wrote about this direction of the Democratic establishment three months ago in The Dead Enders: Candidates Who Signed Up to Battle Donald Trump Must Get Past the Democratic Party First The Intercept 01/23/2018. They provide an appropriate warning of the actually very risky ConservaDem approach:
In an era of regular wave elections — 2006, 2008, 2010, and onward — sustainable majorities may be elusive. The smartest play for the party that takes power, said Michael Podhorzer, political director for the labor federation AFL-CIO, is to seize the opportunity when a wave washes it into power, implement an aggressive agenda, and then defend it from the minority when the party is inevitably washed back out — much as Democrats did successfully with the Affordable Care Act, and as Republicans hope to do with tax cuts. It’s a strategy that means moving two or three steps forward and holding as many of those gains until power is reclaimed, then moving another two steps forward. But it’s only possible with candidates-turned-lawmakers ready to take bold action when they have the chance. [my emphasis]
And this is the biggest problem with the let's-focus-on-corruption-but-don't-say-impeachment approach. From the standpoint of raising money from big donors, that may look like a play-it-safe approach. But it means that the party also doesn't focus on messaging their support of popular ideas like taxing oligarchs, single-payer healthcare, Medicare for all, free college education, college loan relief, restricting gun proliferation, renewable energy. And forget demanding a real peace policy for the Middle East, or accelerated nuclear nonproliferation efforts.

So they build up support and momentum that would prepare the way for substantial progressive accomplishments when they do have enough power in the national government to demand them.

Grim and Fang contrast that to the approach of Nancy Pelosi and Rahm Emmanuel after the 2006 Democratic wave:
... in the 2009-2010 session [when Obama was President], ... then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., who was in charge of the DCCC, as well as committee assignments, packed key panels with centrist and conservative freshmen and sophomores.

Those centrists were there not because the nation demanded moderation, but because Democrats had recruited them in 2006 and 2008 and put them there. Rahm Emanuel, Pelosi’s lieutenant who, at the time, ran the DCCC, looked for wealthy candidates who could self-fund a race. “The most important thing to the DCCC then was if you were self-funding,” said Michael Podhorzer of AFL-CIO. “That moved candidates toward business centrists and their ability to last after that election was not that great. And it set the stage for Obama’s Democratic majority not being as aligned with his policies as a more progressive majority might have.”

And those committees stacked with new centrists delivered weaker legislation than they otherwise might have. In 2009, Democrats dialed back their ambitions when it came to the size of the stimulus, the strength of Wall Street reform, and the quality and extent of coverage that would be provided by Obamacare — all in order to accommodate centrist members representing swing districts. Polls show that the ACA is not unpopular because it is too progressive; rather, its problem areas are the elements of it that are too conservative — high premiums and high deductibles. [my emphasis]

But the experience of the Obama Administration, including the staggering Democratic losses up and down the ballot in 2016, haven't jarred the Democratic establishment:
Yet the types of candidates Emanuel wanted to bring to Washington in 2006 are the same ones today’s House campaign arm is working to get elected. Even if you agree with the ideological approach, said 2016 congressional candidate Zephyr Teachout, it’s a flawed strategy structurally. Last cycle, the DCCC worked against Teachout, a progressive activist and law professor, in her primary campaign in New York. She went on to win it by 40 points anyway, pulling in 2 points more than Hillary Clinton, but still lost the general election.

“Structurally, they’re going to be idiots because there’s no way they can bring in the talent to do it right,” she told The Intercept of the DCCC’s approach to picking candidates. “Their strategy is stupid in the first place and bad for democracy, but then it’s really stupid because they have 26-year-olds sitting around who don’t know anything about the real world deciding which candidates should win.”
(04/26/2018: Post revised slightly for clarity.)

Friday, January 26, 2018

Democratic weakness as the Kinda-Sorta Resistance is about more than tactical problems

Good article on some of what's wrong with the Democratic Party's Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC), aka, D-triple-c or D-trip, by Ryan Grim and Lee Fang, The Dead Enders The Intercept 01/23/2018
Prioritizing fundraising, as Democratic Party officials do, has a feedback effect that creates lawmakers who are further and further removed from the people they are elected to represent. In 2013, the DCCC [Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee] offered a startling presentation for incoming lawmakers, telling them they would be expected to immediately begin four hours of “call time” every day they were in Washington. That’s time spent dialing for dollars from high-end donors.
This is also a telling glimpse at democracy in a system of campaign contributions as legalized bribery:
In Congress, one man or woman can be more than one vote. Leaders of both parties exploit the donor habits of major industries by sticking the newest and most vulnerable members on key committees like Financial Services or Ways and Means. Veteran members have come to call the new arrivals “the bottom two rows,” a reference to their junior position in the amphitheater-style committee rooms. Their voting habits are distinguished by the centrism they believe brought them to office. A simple majority is only as strong as its weakest member, and giving those weak members outsized power dilutes legislation. That’s what happened in the 2009-2010 session, as then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., who was in charge of the DCCC, as well as committee assignments, packed key panels with centrist and conservative freshmen and sophomores.

Those centrists were there not because the nation demanded moderation, but because Democrats had recruited them in 2006 and 2008 and put them there. [my emphasis]
And the Democratic establishment really wants to stick to the same old same-old for the 2020 Presidential nomination process:
This time around, the DCCC doesn’t want a replay of the 2016 presidential primary, with a big, roiling debate over the party’s fundamental values swamping warmed-over talking points about party unity and opposition to the GOP. (“End Citizens United” is one such example of unifying and progressive-sounding but ultimately toothless rhetoric.) The D-trip’s solution, though, amounts to asking the candidates on the Bernie Sanders side of the equation to play nice.
This basically conservative orientation is a big reason that the Democratic Party comes off looking so week in its stance as the Kinda-Sorta Resistance Party.

One of the co-authors, Lee Fang, talks about this problem in this interview with The Real News, Centrist Democrats Are Undermining Progressive Candidates 01/25/2017: