Showing posts with label old hickory. Show all posts
Showing posts with label old hickory. Show all posts

Sunday, April 09, 2017

Confederate "Heritage" Month 2017, April 9: Andrew Jackson and the Missouri Compromise

I'm out of step with current popular impressions of early US history in that I insist on validating the advancements in democracy and equality while recognizing that retrogression and restrictions on freedom were also taking place at the same time. American democracy in 2017 is vastly more inclusive than that of American democracy in 1820. We also just elected a xenophobic hyper-nationalist loon as President and made his party by far the dominant one at the national and state levels. It's hard to conceive a narrative of continual progress toward greater democracy, freedom and equality that doesn't also recognize that some things get better and some things get worse, and it's a very good thing if there is more of the former than the latter.

The initial Spanish colonists to the New World brought with them a missionary zeal that was simultaneously being expressed in the home country in the expulsion of Jews and the Reconquista of Grenada, along with the massive persecution of Muslims and Jewish converts to Christianity. The first century of Spanish colonization brought the Spanish Inquisition and the zeal of the Counter-Reformation to the Americas. This resulted in a view of the native inhabitants as uncivilized heathens who needed to be converted or exterminated. The germs and viruses that the Europeans brought with them to the New World did more to achieve the latter than military force or religious inquisition. Portuguese, English and French colonists brought similar attitudes (and diseases) to their settlements in the New World. Russia was last to the colonizing game in North America, discovering Alaska and the Aleutians in 1741 and brought their own version of Christian civilization to the native peoples there, with broadly similar results.

The American democracy that emerged from the Revolution was a democracy founded on revolutionary principles that were understandably inspiring to many reformers and advocates of popular government and freedom in other parts of the world. The democratic republic of the United States was also a slaveowning republic and an expansionist nation. The expansion included the expansion of democracy and the expansion of slavery. And it was the expansion of a democracy largely restricted to white men.

With time, the real contradictions among democracy, westward expansion and slavery became increasingly obvious, resulting eventually in the Civil War. The Missouri crisis was a very obvious case in which westward expansion and slavery - more specifically, the struggle over the numerical balance in the Senate between slave and free states - were obviously in conflict. As Robert Remini in Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Empire, 1767-1821 (1977), "Andrew Jackson determined the course of American expansion. He was, in fact, the greatest expansionist of them all."

At the time of the Missouri crisis, Jackson was a general during the John Quincy Adams Monroe Administration. He had successfully seized Florida from Spanish control. In the Adams-onís Treaty of 1819, aka the Transcontinental Treaty, Spain agreed to sell Florida to the United States. Remini says Jackson's reacted to the Missouri Compromise "as southerner and slaveowner," concerned about its implications for the Union and for the Peculiar Institution (slavery). He quotes Jackson's undated reaction from that time:

The Misouri [sic] question so called, has agitated the public mind, and that I sincerely regret and never expected, but that now I see, will be the entering wedge to seperate the union. lt is even more wicked, it will excite those who is the subject of discussion to insurrection and masacre [sic]. lt is a question of political ascendency, and power, and the Eastern interests are determined to succeed regardless ofthe consequences, the constitution or our national happiness. They will find the southern and western states equally resolved to support their constitutional rights. I hope I may not live to see the evills [sic] that must grow out of this wicked design of demagogues, who talk about humanity, but whose sole object is self agrandisement regardless of the happiness of the nation.
We see reflected in that statement by Jackson the Republican views to which Jefferson also adhered. There is the fear of slave revolt or post-emancipation black revolution. There is the fear of destabilizing the Union, which Jackson seems to suspect is a continuation of the Federalist secessionist plotting around the Hartford Convention during the War of 1812. And he also views the antislavery agitation as a cynical political move by Federalists and Northern Democrats following in their wake. Remini comments, "As far as Jackson was concerned, 'national happiness' included slavery fdor the south and the west, whether the north liked it or not."

In the Nullification Controversy of 1832 when Jackson was President, he was forced to choose between the interest of democracy and Union, on the one hand, and aggressive defense of slavery, on the other. Jackson chose the country in that dispute.

Monday, April 03, 2017

Historical illiteracy, or, the new Dark Age (America 1776-1859)

More evidence that historical illiteracy about the early decades of the United States is rampant: "This nation survived Andrew Jackson and Richard Nixon. It survived slavery. It survived devastating wars. Most likely, it will survive again."

That's from the editorial board of the Los Angeles Times. In an otherwise very good opinon piece, Our Dishonest President 04/02/2017.

Andrew Jackson=Richard Nixon=devastating wars?

The shades of Nicholas Biddle and John Calhoun are laughing maniacally in the underworld.

There seems to be a real disconnect between actual historians of the US, on the one hand, and American pundits, journalists and politicians on the left/center-left over early American history.

The former try to understand it as history. With greater or lesser degrees of success, of course.

The latter now seem to generally view American history prior to 1860 as a Dark Age redeemed only by the occasional Abolitionist or maybe women's-rights advocates. Seneca Falls did happen, you know. And thanks to the popular musical, the monarchist Alexander Hamilton, who believed that democratic government could work only via massive corruption, is considered a bit of a bright spot. Maybe an Indian warrior chief here and there, although the details of Native American history are less familiar to most people than basic US national government history.

To call the prevailing popular view one-dimensional would give it too much credit. Obscurantist is a better description.

Saturday, May 03, 2014

More on Jackson as democratic and Democratic symbol

I found myself writing more today about that article at The American Prospect website that opposes the Democrats using the image of Andrew Jackson, one of the founders of the Democratic Party and a major leader in the development of popular democracy in the United States, in the name of its traditional "Jefferson-Jackson" dinners.

Scott Lemieux endorses the point in Contemporary Democrats Shouldn't Be Celebrating Old Hickory LGM 05/02/2014. I wound up making some comments, more-or-less as I'm repeating them here in the following.

I’m not willing to concede the imagery or substance of the Founders (Jackson fought in the Revolutionary War, he counts as one) to the conservatives, much less to pseudohistorians like David Barton. With the Republicans endorsing the John Calhoun nullification philosophy, anyone defending voting rights shouldn’t be eager to flush the symbolism of Calhoun’s greatest enemy. On his deathbed, Jackson said that the greatest regret of his life was that he hadn’t hanged Calhoun for treason. I’m not in favor of the death penalty, either, but that doesn’t stop me from appreciating the symbolism.

Jackson's biographer Robert Remini did a book on Andrew Jackson and His Indian Wars. He doesn't defend the Indian Removal Act but he does explain the historical setting of the conflicts between the US and the Indian tribes, a situation in which it is even now hard to imagine a Happy Ending short of some massive conversion to the principles of, say, John Brown circa 1855. And I don't even know if Brown had some radically different view of Indian policy than other Americans.

One certainly can't say the Indian Removal Act wasn't criticized at the time; there was substantial opposition in Congress. Some of the main arguments opponents used was that it would be easier to Christianize the Indians if they weren't deported to Oklahoma, and that Cherokees had shown themselves to be good supporters of the slavery system with some Cherokees owning black slaves. No one in real history comes out completely clean.

Part of what makes Jackson fascinating as a leader and in the development of American democracy is that he surpassed his own limitations. He was a wealthy man who fought the Bank of the United States because it functioned as a instrument of concentrated wealth and of corruption of the Congress. Another important piece of Jacksonian symbolism that I wouldn't want to surrender to the rank revisionism of Paultard "libertarians" who want to portray that as an earlier version of their current fight against the Federal Reserve because it blocks a gold standard, or whatever.

Jackson was a also slaveowner without the abolitionist ideology of a Washington or Jefferson; but when the South Carolina Nullification forced him to choose between the slavery system and the (white-men-only) democracy that he was trying to expand, he came down hard on the side of democracy and national unity. His Address to the People of South Carolina over nullification is a landmark linking of the idea of American patriotism/nationalism with democracy.

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Friday, May 02, 2014

Andrew Jackson as symbol of democracy and the Democratic Party

Yikes!

Ari Rabin-Havt argues that it's Time for Democrats to Stop Celebrating Andrew Jackson The American Prospect 05/04/2014

Since I've been using Jackson as the symbol for this blog for over 10 years, maybe it's time to readdress that issue.

Here is what I posted in my very first one here, entitle Why Old Hickory?:

Why Old Hickory? Old Hickory is, of course, Andy Jackson, President of the United States, 1829-1837.

Because he's an heroic figure who championed the interest of working people against concentrated wealth and defended the Union and democracy against its enemies foreign and domestic.

He was also a deeply flawed hero, a slaveowner who - unlike Thomas Jefferson - defended the institution of slavery and displaced the Indian tribes of the Southeast in a way that any American today would find it difficult to defend.

He is an appropriate hero for Americans today because he was one of history's greatest champions of democracy.

But it's also important for us to remember that even our greatest heroes were people that made choices, some of them better than others. As long as our politicians feel it necessary to constantly say that America is "the greatest country in the world," something is wrong. When they no longer feel the need to say that, and when the voters no longer need to hear it all the time, we will have regained some of the realistic confidence that made leaders like Jackson what they were.

Some people today talk about George W. Bush's foreign policy being "Jacksonian."

Well, I keep a little bust of the General (as many of Jackson's admirers always called him) setting on my desk. And every time an article appears on my computer screen comapring him to today's Enron Republicans, his eyes seem to glow bright red.
That explanation from 10-plus years ago still holds. I have posted here about various aspects of Jackson's career, including his Indian policies both before and during his Presidency.

I do disagree with Rabin-Havt's description of the Indian Removal Act during Jackson's Presidency as "genocidal." As he details, the effects of the mass removal were horrible. And, honestly, if I thought that was Jackson's intent in the Act, I wouldn't use him as a symbol of progressive politics.

The bottom line for me on using historical figures as political images is that I'm not willing to surrender the progressive and democratic aspects of the early American political tradition to conservatives and the Glenn Becks and Massa Cliven Bundys of the world. The American Nazi Party in the 1930s and 1940s used George Washington and an idealized American Indian as symbols of their movement. The latter was more-or-less because they had declared current or past Native Americans to be honorary Aryans, the Ur-Americans in their version of the Nazi Blut und Boden ideology. Rightwingers will use historical images in a reactionary way, whether progressives give up the effort to use them in a progressive way or not.

With Calhounite nullification and segregation having become central to the Republican Party's present-day program, I'm not willing to retire the image of the President who was Calhoun's main adversary, both in reality and in symbolism, who successfully fought Calhoun's attempt to use nullification in South Carolina to defend slavery and undermine democracy on a national basis.

As I've said before, the best-known political figures in the pre-Civil War years of the Republic that had attitudes on voting rights, equality between the races and women's rights that match the nominally dominant understanding of those things in the US today is John Brown. John Brown, who fought a brutal guerrilla war in Kansas and was captured and hung as a traitor when he attacked a military facility of the United States.

Can you imagine the howls from FOX News and every other corner of the Republican Party if the Democratic Party suddenly decided to rename its Jefferson-Jackson Dinners to John Brown-Frederick Douglass Dinners? And can you picture how fast the Democrats would scramble to distance themselves from that rebranding? I'm sure you can, it's unfortunately very easy.

Hegel wrote, "World history is not the ground of happiness. The periods of happiness are empty pages in it." ("Die Weltgeschichte ist nicht der Boden des Glücks. Die Perioden des Glücks sind leere Blätter in it ihr.") That's from the Introduction to his lectures on the philosophy of history. He follows it with something less often quoted: "because they are the periods of agreement, of the lack of opposites" ("denn sie sind die Perioden der Zusammenstimmung, des fehlenden Gegensatzes").

I'm quoting that here not to dismiss the importance of moral judgments in understanding history. Rather it is to that emphasize progress in democracy and improvement of the human conditions emerges in a complex historical process. It's important to recognize and encourage the more constructive developments to the extent it's possible, and to discourage the destructive ones.

But history is always made by human beings, never by plaster saints. Reactionaries will misuse images and traditions from the past to turn back the clock. Progressives who want to embrace the future and make it better than the present can't simply surrender all progressives traditions to the winds.

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Saturday, May 04, 2013

Leave Old Hickory aloooo-oooone!

Calhoun-sympathizer "concern troll" alert! Steve Yoder sends me into garment-rending mode with It's time for Democrats to ditch Andrew Jackson Salon 05/03/2013.


Half-baked revisionism about Old Hickory just hacks me off. This guy grumps about Vice President Biden speaking at a Jefferson-Jackson Day Dinner in South Carolina. Seriously? And how do you manage to do an article with the words "South Carolina" and "Andrew Jackson" in it without the words "John Calhoun" or "nullification" appearing?

The crazy NRA just elected a blithering neo-Confederate as their new President, who calls the Civil War the "War of Northern Aggression," a term nobody ever used until some white supremacists invented it a few years ago. Will that guy be holding dinners to honor Andrew Jackson? No and *&@* no!

Yes, Jackson's Indian policies sucked. So did pretty much everybody else's, not that it's any excuse. But if the Democrats can still call Barack Obama a Democrat now that he's formally proposed cutting benefits on Social Security and Medicare, then they can certainly hold dinners to honor the party's two main founders. Both of whom were key leaders in establishing and expanding democracy.

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Thursday, April 05, 2012

Confederate "Heritage" Month 2012, April 5: Michael Lind on the southern roots of Republican Tea Party politics

One of Michael Lind's strong points as a political analyst is recognizing continuities between Southern segregationist political trends and the "conservatism" of today's Republican Party. And that is his focus in The Tea Party, the debt ceiling, and white Southern extremism Salon 08/02/2011.

His closing paragraph gives a good example of why I use Andrew Jackson as the namesake for my blog:

The debt ceiling crisis is the latest case in which the radical right in the South has held America hostage until its demands are met. Presidents Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln refused to appease the Southern fanatics. Unfortunately, President Obama and the Democrats in Congress chose not to follow their example and instead gave in. In doing so, they have encouraged the neo-Confederate minority in Congress to find yet another opportunity in the near future to extort concessions from America's majority by sabotaging America's government. [my emphasis]
Lind looks at the regional composition of the House Tea Party caucus and, yes, it's heavily Southern. And he has some good observations about how Southern segregationist-obstructionist thinking shapes the Republicans' framing of the debt ceiling fight.

Being a big fan of both the patron saints of the Democratic Party's "Jefferson-Jackson" events, I'd have to say that Lind splits the ticket in an uncomfortable way here:

The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and 1799 asserted the alleged right of states to "nullify" any federal law that state lawmakers consider unconstitutional. This obstructionist mentality led to the Nullification Crisis of 1832, when South Carolina refused to enforce federal tariffs. Civil War was averted only when President Andrew Jackson, a Southerner himself, forced the nullifiers to back down.
Thomas Jefferson and James Madison did back the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions. But the topic wasn't slavery or some general "obstructionist mentality." They were the repressive federal laws known as the Alien and Sedition Acts, which directly impinged on freedom of speech and the press. The principle of federal judicial review had not yet been established; that didn't occur until the Jefferson Administration in the famous case of Marbury v. Madison (1803). Jefferson and Madison weren't trying to establish the right of states to secede. They were seeking a way to defend the basic First Amendment rights of freedom of speech and the press in the context of the still-new Constitutional government to protect basic and clear Constitutional provisions when no clear judicial remedies were available.

But Lind's account is right on Old Hickory's stand on the Nullification Controversy.

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Tuesday, April 05, 2011

Walter Russell Mead sees a "Wilsonian" war in Libya

Walter Russell Mead has a decent post on the Libya War, The Shores of Tripoli: Our Latest Wilsonian War The American Interest 03/30/2011. But he continues his more-than-a-little-aggravating habit of describing neoconservative/militarist foreign policy positions as "Jacksonian." This comment from James Lindsay, Is Operation Odyssey Dawn Constitutional? Obama versus the Framers CFR.org 03/25/2011 provides some useful historical perspective:

In 1798, at the start of the so-called Quasi-War with France, John Adams called Congress into a special session "to consult and determine on such measures as in their wisdom shall be deemed meet for the safety and welfare of the United States." When Andrew Jackson, not known as a shrinking violet when it came to presidential power, wanted to force France to pay damage claims that dated back to the Napoleonic era, he did not order the U.S. military into action. He instead asked Congress to pass a law "authorizing reprisals upon French property." Congress said no, and Jackson let the issue drop. When the Chilean government refused to apologize in 1891 after a mob killed two American sailors, Benjamin Harrison asked Congress "to take such action as may be deemed appropriate." If you don't remember the U.S.-Chilean war of 1891, it’s because Congress never authorized hostilities and the crisis passed. [my emphasis]
That hardly justifies regarding warmongering and Presidential usurpation of Congressional war powers as "Jacksonian."

Leaving that fault aside, Mead has some good comments on the Libya War:

The Libyan adventure is a lot of things: a noble effort to protect innocent civilians from horrifying goons, an experiment in a new kind of indirect American leadership, a last desperate throw of the dice by a hyperactive French president whose people increasingly loathe him, an attempt by flustered Arab establishmentarians to get on the right side of popular fury, a demonstration of Britain’s enduring if tortured moralism, a slugging match in the sand, and a nailbiting distraction for a White House that has repeatedly failed to convince voters that it is 'focused like a laser' on the economy and has much more to lose if this goes bad than it has to win if things work.

But there is one thing it won’t be, even if it "works": the start of a new age of multilateral cooperation under the rule of law. The UN-blessed response to Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait failed to start the new age of peace, collective security and law; similarly the liberation of Libya is a fluke not a trend.
The US-French-British usage of the UN Resolutions on Libya is likely to make Russia and China less enthusiastic about endorsing any such actions in the future for the reasons he explains:

Russia and China were unhappy enough with the idea that the UN could authorize an attack on a member government to challenge its domestic policy that they abstained. Hardly a surprise — both governments can easily imagine circumstances under which they would have to get down and dirty with domestic malcontents, and should Russia need to kill some more Chechens or China spill some more blood in Tienanmien Square some day, they don’t want a bunch of interfering busybodies poking around. But Qaddafi is such an unattractive figure, his threats were so blood curdling, and, perhaps not least, the prospect that the western powers might overreach and expose themselves was so deliciously attractive that they decided to sit back and let the West give war a chance. [my emphasis]
In the Realist school of foreign policy theory, it is normal and effectively inevitable that lesser powers will seek to reduce the relative power of a "hegemon," which the US is in the Realist view under our post-Cold War foreign policy strategy of global dominance. You don't have to be an adherent of the Realist view to imagine that China and Russia both took into consideration when they abstained on the UN Security Council vote rather than exercised their veto power that in intervening in Libya the US, France and Britain would "overreach and expose themselves" and thereby weaken their relative power and influence in the world more quickly.

Although if China or Russia is looking to someday become a world hegemon in the way the US is today, they might want to think carefully how much of an advantage is really is to be fighting wars in multiple countries over "humanitarian" concerns, oil, "Al Qa'ida," terrorism and whatever our other official reasons are this week. The leaders in Russia and China probably think Qaddafi is a bad guy, too, in some way or other. But do they really want to take on the American role of leading the charge to take out such Bad Guys? It sounds like the foreign policy version of Tom Sawyer's friends thinking it would be grand fun to paint Tom's fence for him.

Mead also notes that the Arab League and the African Union may also take a closer look the next time the US, France and/or Britain ask them to provide diplomatic cover for a Western military intervention. As Mead puts it imagining their perspective, "Give the old imperialists an inch of legal standing and they'll take a mile of turf."

But then, the neocons and Cheney militarist don't care about diplomatic cover. To most of them, unilateralism is far better than a multinational coalition, much less the United Nations, which they generally regard with the same hatred as the Old Right isolationists at the John Birch Society and the Ludwig Von Mises Institute. As Mead notes, "Human Rights Watch can’t start wars on its own." And in the Libya War, neocons who want to validate wars against Iran and Syria are happy to cheer this one on, all the while pointing out the problems of limited engagement and preaching the virtues of robust regime change, i.e., using American troops just like in the grand Iraqi adventure.

Then there's the Cheney crowd's main concern:

On top of that is the oil question. While there are a lot of Americans who think war for oil is immoral, there are plenty more who think that oil, that necessary driver of our economy and the condition of our prosperity, is one of the few things worth fighting about — and a much better reason for war than helping to put one gang of thieves in while kicking another one out.
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Friday, April 17, 2009

Confederate "Heritage" Month 2009, April 17: The Buchanan administration


Mark Graber, author of Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (2006), looks at the coming of the Civil War during the last months of the James Buchanan administration in Secession Winter Revisited Balkinization blog 12/20/08.

Graber takes a relatively generous view of slavery supporter Buchanan's approach in the transition period between Lincoln's election and his taking office, which in those days didn't occur until March of the year following the November election (Lincoln was inaugurated March 4, 1861). Graber picks up on an argument by Richard Ellis that Buchanan may have been trying to follow the model that Andrew Jackson set with his successful handling of the Nullification Controversy of 1833.

In this argument, Buchanan viewed the isolation of South Carolina as having been key to Old Hickory's success in suppressing John C. Calhoun's "nullification" movement, which everyone understood at the time had the defense of slavery at its core, though the nominal issue was tariffs.

Here's how Graber, following Ellis' argument, describes Buchanan's strategy in the face of secession compared to Lincoln's:

Buchanan was faced with a similar problem in 1860, although admittedly a more difficult one. His strategy was not dilatory. Rather, he did pretty much what Jackson did successfully in 1832. He sought first to minimize the damage. The theory may have been pretty simple, although this is pure speculation on my part. Secession may have been viable in the long run only if Virginia, Tennessee, and other middle south states joined in. The longer Virginia stayed out, the more likely a Union preserving compromise. In short, any compromise that holds Virginia may in the long run have made the secession crisis goes away.

Lincoln's strategy was quite different. His goal, as Kenneth Stampp details, was to initiate a Civil War in such a way as to keep Kentucky and Maryland in the Union. Essentially, and for all practical purposes, Lincoln from day one abandoned the "keep Virginia in" strategy. Notice, however, Lincoln could not possibly have claimed a mandate for preferring Civil War to a proslavery compromise. He repeatedly insisted on the campaign trail that secession would not take place after he was elected. Lincoln's policies appear more successful than Buchanan's only if we assume the Civil War was inevitable, that Virginia was inevitably going to leave the Union, so that the only reasonable strategies were aimed at keeping Kentucky in the Union. But other assumptions were reasonable in 1860 and Buchanan's strategy may have been reasonable in light of those assumptions. [my emphasis]
While I think he takes the argument much too far, he does make an important point here. Lincoln had campaigned on the basis of preventing secession. So Buchanan may well have thought that the Presidential victory of the Republican Party, on a plurality due to a three-way partisan split, had provided a mandate for peacefully settling the secession controversy. Or, at a minimum, had not provided a mandate for forceful measures.

But other than that, the argument strikes me as far-fetched. James Buchanan was blatantly pro-slavery and wanted to get the reactionary Supreme Court to push its defense of slavery even further than it already had in the Dred Scott decision of 1857.

Other than the eventual end of Earth when the Sun becomes a supernova a few billion years from now, it's hard to say that any historical event is inevitable, except in retrospect. The Dred Scott decision itself had arguably made the Civil War inevitable. But it was only one - albeit a huge one - in a series of events involving the increasing defensiveness of the slave states which led them to increasingly aggressive measures to require the free states to defend slavery, the demographic shifts that were setting the South up to soon lose their majority in the US Senate, growing antislavery sentiment in the North and abroad, and the self-isolation of the slaveowners from meaningful dissent leading to paranoid interpretations of events.

The mini-civil war in Kansas Territory (1854-59), where John Brown got his start as a guerrilla fighter, was an unmistakable sign that events were sliding toward a broader civil war. It could only have been reversed had the national leadership been able to persuade the Slave Power to back off. But Buchanan did just the opposite. For instance, in the Kansas controversy, he recognized the illegitimate, proslavery Lecompton Constitution which had been rejected by the Kansas voters in 1858. Buchanan had every reason to know that he was adding fuel to the fire and encouraging increased belligerence by the slaveowners.

There's also another problem with the idea that Buchanan was hoping for a repeat of Andrew Jackson's success against nullification. By the time Lincoln took office, actual secession was already well under. And Southern state militias were already seizing federal forts throughout the South, which were armed acts of treason. South Carolina and Mississippi had already seceded in December 1860, and by February 1 had been joined by Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana and Texas.

It was after Lincoln took office that Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee and North Carolina declared secession.

Pretty much the only thing Buchanan did right in the transition period was to refuse to surrender Fort Sumter in South Carolina, the last US fortress not yet seized by Southern forces.
Of course, speculation is speculation. But in the case of Andrew Jackson when it came to treason and secession, we know how he handled it in 1833. Graber mentions the Force Act in passing, which was passed along with a lowering of the tariffs, the nominal issue over which South Carolina was protesting in the Nullification Controversy. Jackson was fully prepared to make war on a rebel South Carolina if the fools pushed matters that far. It's inconceivable that he would have allowed the seizure of federal forts by traitor forces or sat back idly while five states seceded. Which is what Buchanan did.

It's also difficult to believe that Buchanan could have seriously thought he was imitating Jackson in the way he dealt with that situation.

This basic fact that secession and acts of war by the secessionists were already under way also makes Graber's statement in the context downright strange when he writes, "Lincoln could not possibly have claimed a mandate for preferring Civil War to a proslavery compromise."

Say what? Prior to the 1860 election, secession was a threat from the paranoid, overbearing and blustering slaveowners. Taking Lincoln's vote and the vote for Democratic candidate Stephan Douglas, there was certainly a mandate opposing secession and favoring preservation of the Union. Lincoln didn't have a mandate for civil war? The Confederates had no mandate for secession and civil war either!

On March 4, 1861, secession was a fact. And the acts of war committed by secessionists in seizing federal forts and property hadn't yet become a civil war because James Buchanan had sat back and let it happen with no armed resistance on the part of the national government.

Even when he took office, Lincoln didn't assume that Civil War was inevitable. Though he would have been a fool (or a James Buchanan) if he had not seen that it would be almost impossible to avoid one. He would have preferred that the newly-formed Confederacy dissolve itself and the states involved renounce their secession. He was restrained on the resupply of Fort Sumter.

But he wasn't going to let the slave states secede and make war on the United States. And he didn't. Nor did the mild and conciliatory policy of Buchanan in letting the rebels seize the forts have much to recommend its continuation as a way of preserving the Union by the time Lincoln took office.

If James Buchanan had been more devoted to preserving the Union and less to the cause of slavery, he would have taken stronger action to block the early secessions. And he would have passed on a situation to Lincoln that maybe could have been resolved without civil war. Or, at least, resolved with a shorter and less destructive war.

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Sunday, April 05, 2009

Confederate "Heritage" Month 2009, April 5: South Carolina's secession plea to Viriginia, 1860


The Hon. C.G. Memminger of South Carolina

One of the key arguments of Lost Cause pseudohistory is that slavery had nothing to do with the motivation of the Southern slave states to secede from the Union in 1860-61. The alleged fanaticism of abolitionists is held to blame for part of the problem. But in the Lost Cause version, even they were surely not motivated by real sympathy for the slaves but rather by their own perverse desire to subjugate the white people of the South.

What the Rebel leaders were saying leading up to secession and civil war was something very different. De Bow's Review, the leading Southern agricultural and opinion journal, in its December 1890 number presented the argument on behalf of the state of South Carolina by "the Hon C.G. Memminger" (Christopher Gustavus Memminger) to the Virginia state legislature, under the title "The South Carolina Mission to Viginia". Memminger (1803-1888) was a German immigrant who served as Secretary of the Treasury of the Confederate States of America from 1861 to 1864.

Memminger's argument had been presented earlier, on January 19, 1860, before the 1860 Presidential election was underway. The Honorable Gentleman was calling for Virginia to join South Carolina in calling for a convention of Southern state to consider secession. More specifically, as the Honorable Gentlement quoted from the authorizing resolution of the South Carolina legislature, "To request a conference of the slaveholding States, and the apointment of deputies or commissioners to the same on the part of Virginia." (my emphasis)

Memminger opens his plea by referring to a moment of solidarity between the two states a decade and more earlier, referring to 1851:

Four years before [1847], both States passed resolutions that they would not submit to the Wilmot Proviso [barring slavery in territory acquired from Mexico during the Mexican War]. In 1849 virigina had added to her declaration of 1847, that she would also resist the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia. South Carolina concurred entirely in the sentiments of Virginia, and prepared to defend the position which had been taken, and which she supposed was the common position of the whole South.

The compromise measures adopted by Congress in 1850, so far from being satisfactory, in her judgment aggravated the injury. [my emphasis]
The reference here is to the Compromise of 1850 which further extended slavery in the United States. It also included passage of the odious Fugitive Slave Act, which required citizens of the free states under penalty of heavy fines to participate in posses to hunt down the human property that regularly escaped from the slave states. That Act notably overrode any consideration of "states rights", which the slaveowners were always willing to do in defense of the Peculiar Institution, slavery.

She regarded the admission of California, with a constitution prohibiting slavery, as in effect an enactment of the Wilmot Proviso; and the slave trade in the District of Columbia had been expressly probilited by one of the compromise acts of Congress. With these views, South Carolina proceeded to arm her people, and made the requisite arrangements for calling a convention to secede from the Union, or to adopt such other measures as the safety and welfare of the States might require. [my emphasis]
South Carolina secession agitation in the early 1850s, he said, was based on those two things: the admission of California to the Union as a free state, and the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, where it was a notorious disgrace to the country, taking place as it did within easy view of diplomatic representatives from all over the world. Those were the two things that drove the South Carolina legislature to consider secession a decade earlier.

Memminger goes on to recite the history of grievances of the South against the North. They include:

  • The Northwest Ordinance of 1787 during the Articles of Confederation days prohibiting slavery in that portion of the country. Memminger recalls that at one point in the Congressionally appointed committee that drafted the orindance,there was a vote to strike out the prohibition on slavery with "every Southern State and every Southern delegate, except Mr. Jefferson, voting for striking out".
  • The Nullification Controversy of 1833, in which South Carolina foolishly pursued a confrontation with President Andrew Jackson over the state's attempt to nullify a federal tarriff law within South Carolina. Although the tariff was nominally the topic of dispute, the ringleader of the action, John C. Calhoun, clearly understood it as a preliminary fight over the ability of slave states to defend slavery against federal action.
  • The Louisiana Purchase of 1803. "The territory acquired was all slaveholding", Memminger explained, overstating the case extravagently. But more free states than slave states had emerged from that vast territory.
  • The Missouri Compromise - not the compromise itself, but the fact that some representatives of the free states had objected to admitting Missouri as a slave state.
  • The petition controversy in Congress beginning in 1835, when Congressman John Quincy Adams led the fight for Congress to simply formally acknowledge anti-slavery petitions being submitted to Congress by abolitionists, thus highlighting the increasing intransigence on the part of slaveowners to even debating their Peculiar Instistution. Stating the obvious as though he were revealing some dark secret, Memminger explain to the Virginia legislators that the aim of those anti-slavery petitions was to "adjust [apply] a lever which might reacht he institution of slavery within the States". Not only that: "such was distinctly understood to be the design of the movement"! Memminger declares the proper position for Congress to have taken against such a devious plan: "Stern rebuke, and unyielding rsistance, should have been offerd by Congress to all these attempts; and such was the course advised by Southern statesmen."
  • The division of the Christian denominations into Northern and Southern branches. Memminger blames the damnyankees for this, though the Horable Gentlemen wouldn't stoop to such a vulgar term in addressing the Virginia legislators: "Inflamed with zeal, by imaginary wrong, and assuming as an article of the faith, that slavery was a sin, they denounced their brethren of the South as unworthy of meeting with them at the table of their common Maker." This was part of "the tidal wave of persecution" assailing the South from the North, the Honorable Gentleman whined, "and at each flow it surges higher and higer upon the South, without any interval of ebb."
  • Yankees and foreigners griped about admitting Texas as a slave state, although that is what was done. The very fact that leading political figures like the Democrat Martin Van Buren and the Whig Henry Clay (Senator from Kentucky, a slave state) had opposed annexing Texas remained as a grievance in Memminger's presentation. Even though the "good sense of the country" which was "assisted by that appetite for territory which seems to belong to the Anglo-Saxon race" got Texas into the Union as a slave state.
  • The Wilmot Proviso, which would have banned slavery in territory acquired from Mexico during the Mexican War, even though the Senate blocked its enactment into law.
  • The settlement of Kansas territory by an anti-slavery majority: "It has ended in the complete delivery of Kansas to the North", in this case anti-slavery being synonymous with "the North" and pro-slavery with "the South". Even worse, he declares in outrage that "even the territorial legislature of Nebraska has ventured to pass an act excluding slavery from that territory. At every point, therefore, we are fairly at bay."
  • The "outrage at Harper's Ferry", i.e., John Brown's raid of 1859, which Memminger declared was an "attempt to involve her [Virginia] in the horrors of servile and civil war". Fear of "servile insurrection" - slave uprising - had tormented the fears of white Southerners for decades. Memminger melodramatically expounds on that event at length.
Only one of those grievances, the Nullification Controversy of 1833, had nothing overtly to do with slavery. And even with that one, slavery was the main underlying issue. It's noteworthy that in 1860, the Honorable Gentleman had to go back 27 years to find such a North-South controversy that hadn't been overtly about slavery.

Not that he was particularly trying to do so. Lost Cause advocates today try hard, sometimes with notable imagination (of the pseudohistorical brand), to come up with such grievances. But the "fire-eaters" (secessionists) of 1860 knew very well that slavery was the issue over which secession was demanded. And they also knew that defense of slavery was the best marketing tool to persuade others to go along with them on secession.

There was another issue that occurred during Andrew Jackson first Presidential term, his most discreditable action as President, though it was a very popular one, on which there was a clear sectional alignment of North against South. The sectional alignment was even more pronounced than on the Nullification Controversy. That was the Indian Removal Act. And that one was even less about slavery than the Nullification Controversy.

But secessionists then and neo-Confederates now avoid using that example. Because in that case the Southern states backed Jackson's use of federal powers to override any consideration of "states rights", the legal fig leaf over the claimed right of secession. Also, the issue of Jackson's involvement with both issues was touchy for secessionists. Jackson's Party, the Democratic Party, had by 1860 clearly become the main vehicle for the politics of the Slave Power. And the memory of Jackson's Presidency, or at least a version of it, was still revered by many Southerners. So it was not convenient in invoking the Nullification Controversy as a grievance against the North to remind their audiences that Jackson had been a Southern President and a slaveowner who nevertheless put American patriotism and devotion to democratic nationalism above the defense of slavery.

It would have been even less convenient to remind people that in the Indian Removal Act, Southerners had backed the use of federal power over "states rights" to get what the South wanted, just as they had been doing in the previous decade since 1850 in using federal authority to defend slavery.

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Monday, November 03, 2008

That Jackson (MS) Clarion-Ledger endorsement

That endorsement that Bob McElvaine highlighted by the Jackson Misssissippi Clarion-Ledger, Election '08: Obama choice for future 11/02/08, is a long one and an interesting one. And it's even better for making a direct and favorable comparison between Barack Obama and Andrew Jackson:

But the American public doesn't always judge candidates on their paper accomplishments either - whether that's Andrew Jackson's roughhewn populism or Reagan's folksiness, or John F. Kennedy's charisma.
Jackson, Mississippi, was named after the great man, by the way. I once heard someone say that the city was named after Stonewall Jackson and I about flipped. (I also gagged a bit seeing Reagan named in the same sentence as the General.)

Yes, Andrew Jackson was a slaveholder. And, unlike Thomas Jefferson, he was no opponent of slavery. He was an opponent of slaveholders and their advocates like John Calhoun who were willing to undermine democracy and destroy the country to defend the "peculiar institution". And Jackson saw his mission as defending (white) working people against the tyranny of concentrated wealth and expanding democracy. Both of which he did. Very effectively.

Later democratic reform movements, the abolition movement not least among them, used the organizing and mass-mobilization techniques that the Jacksonian movement pioneered. And they were the real heirs of the best of the Jacksonian tradition.

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Sunday, August 10, 2008

Defending honor, whether it exists or not


I wasn't going to post much about the latest story of love affairs among the prominent and powerful. Then I realized there was a definite Jacksonian connection here. So I can't resist.

That would be the famous case of Peggy Eaton, wife of Old Hickory's first Secretary of War, John Eaton. Peggy was a young widow who was known to be outspoken and not always in awe of expected social customs of Washington society ladies. This gave rise to rumors that she was a woman of loose morals. Jackson himself thought the rumors were scurrilous and encouraged Eaton to marry her, between Jackson's election in 1828 and his Inauguration. This was also a bit unconventional. The expectation at the time was that a widow would wait a full 12 months from the death of her husband to remarry, and that time period hadn't quite passed.

So there was a big brouhaha during Jackson first couple of years in office over Peggy Eaton. The other Cabinet wives didn't want to associate with her and there were various tensions in the Cabinet over it. This was all compounded by Secretary of State Martin Van Buren's use of the flap to discredit Vice President John Calhoun in Jackson's eyes, Calhoun being aligned with the anti-Peggy group.

This whole thing really ticked off Old Hickory. For one thing, his political enemies had tried to smear him and his wife Rachel, who died after the 1828 election but before his Inauguration, during his Presidential campaign. The "hook" was some obscure technical question about the validity of Andrew's and Rachel's marriage in Mississippi Territory. It was a frivolous accusation, since they had done another ceremony soon afterward the first to make sure there was no question about the legal status of the marriage.

Jackson did not subscribe to the present-day Democratic consultants' favored theory of responding to such sleaze-slinging by having the candidate "stay above the fray" and let the other side slime you until you lose. So he didn't leave any doubt that he thought the people using that tale were dirty scoundrels, rotten polecats and generally the lowest form of slimy snakes that crawled on the face of the earth. And he wasn't pretending, either. He really did think that. And when Rachel died, his was convinced her mortification at being the object of such attacks was one of the causes. At the reception after her funeral, he told his assembled guests:

I can forgive all who have wronged me, but will have fervently to pray that I may have grace to enable me to forget or forgive any enemy who has ever maligned that blessed one who is now safe from all suffering sorrow, whom they tried to put to shame for my sake!
The tablet that he prepared for her grave at their Tennessee home, the Heritage, where he is now buried beside her, read in part, "A being so gentle and so virtuous, slander might wound but could not dishonour".

Jackson's biographer Robert Remini quotes what one of Jackson's last living former slaves used to tell people when he led tours of the Hermitage and came to their bedroom: "This is de picture of Miss Rachel. Every morning de general would kneel before it and tell his God that he thank him to spare his life one more night to look on de face of his love."

So for a variety of reasons, Jackson defended Peggy Eaton - who was a fighter herself who demanded that he defend her - and put a great deal of effort into documenting the falsehood of accusations against her. William Faulkner caught the broader cultural significance of this in Requiem for a Nun (1951). The narrator is describing the naming of the Mississippi capital city, whose namesake was Andrew Jackson. (Not Stonewall Jackson, you silly Yankees!) This Hinds to whom he refers here was one of the commissioners who had laid out the plans to turn a trading post called Le Fleur's Bluff into a capital city; Faulkner points out that the earlier name is now "called and spelled 'Leflore'." And he writes:

And [they] named the city after the other old hero, hero Hinds' brother-in-arms on beaten British and Seminole fields and presently to be President - the old duellist, the brawling lean fierce mangy durable old lion who set the well-being of the Nation above the White House, and the health of his new political party above either, and above them all set, not his wife's honor, but the principle that honor must be defended whether it was or not since, defended, it was, whether or not; ...
Going back to the sleaze-slinging against him and Rachel in the 1828 Presidential campaign, it's worth quoting a letter he wrote to Sam Houston expressing his attitude toward such attacks. It's not a sad plea about the need for more "bipartisanship", which the priest of High Broderism today seem to think is the most important virtue in politics. The Clay reference is to Jackson's Kentucky rival Henry Clay, who Jackson blamed for that particular piece of sleaze being used (emphasis in original):

I am determined to unmask [those who have] entered into the combination to slander and revile me; and I trust, in due time to effect it, and lay the perfidy, meaness, and wickedness, of Clay, naked before the american people. I have lately got an intimation of some of his secrete movements, which, if I can reach with possitive and responsible proof, I will wield to his political, and perhaps, his actual destruction [Jackson was a duellist], he is certainly the bases[t], meanest, scoundrel, that ever disgraced the image of his god - nothing too mean or low for him to condescend to, secretely to carry his cowardly and base purpose of slander into effect; even the aged and virtuous female, is not free from his secrete combination of base slander - but anough, you know me, I will curb my feelings until it becomes proper to act, when retributive Justice will vissit him and his pander heads.
We also shouldn't forget that today's Republican Party operates on the assumption of the segregation system, which included a thoroughly debased politics. "Southern honor" for the segregationists has long since become nothing but a slogan defending white racism. Gene Lyons described the Arkansas variant in Fools for Scandal (1994):

Given literacy levels among the lowest in the United States, what this adds up to is a populist brand of political warfare that often descends to the level of professional wrestling. In a small, largely rural state with only one real city, it also makes for fantastic - and highly entertaining - gossip. Almost everybody, it seems, has a neighbor whose second cousin knows an old boy who worked on the governor's dentist's car, and he says ...

During the 1990 Arkansas gubernatorial primaries, for example, lurid tales of lust and fornication were widely circulated about three of the four serious candidates -both Republicans, and, of course, Governor Bill Clinton. Only Clinton's Democratic opponent, an earnest good-government type perceived to have no chance, escaped suspicion. There was talk of whores, drunken orgies at duck-hunting clubs, illegitimate children, hush money, even suicides. One Arkansas politician was rumored to have had carnal knowledge of a convicted murderess inside her jail cell. Interracial sex, of course, is a topic of perennial interest. Indeed, it takes some effort to think of an Arkansas politician of note about whom scurrilous rumors haven't circulated.

For most Arkansas voters, evaluating this avalanche of smut has always been simple: your candidate is innocent, his or her opponents are probably guilty. The fact that political fault lines here tend to coincide with religious differences - hard-shell denominations to the right, "mainstream" churches to the left - makes it easy to caricature one's enemies as pious hypocrites. Otherwise, it would be tempting to suspect that many Arkansans harbor the secret belief that any politician - or TV evangelist, for that matter - who didn't have some rooster in him couldn't be much of a man.

But who would have dreamed that this stuff could be exported?
These are the standards on which today's Republican Party operates. They don't care whether John McCain obeys or has observed the official standards of the Southern Baptist Convention on marital fidelity. They.Don't. Care.

I'm not saying we should imitate authoritarian outlooks. Authoritarians are known for being able to hold wildly conflicting ideas at the same time. But everyone needs to be realistic about how the authoritarian Republican Party of today operates. With sex stories and everything else.

I voted for John Edwards in the California primary because I mailed my ballot before he withdrew from the race. I voted for him because he had a clearer position on withdrawing from Iraq than either Clinton or Obama; he had a more comprehensive health care plan than either of those two; and he was raising the issue of poverty in a way that had effectively been banished from national politics in the Age of Reagan. My only regret about that vote is that he dropped out of the race before it could have an effect on the outcome.

A couple of other thoughts. Is it really so bad that he didn't volunteer the information that he had a brief love affair? Whatever happened to, "A gentleman doesn't kill and tell"? There is something still to be said for that principle.

And any sane view of morality, Christian or otherwise, has to have some sense of perspective. Was John Edwards' admitted love affair as much of a moral offense - is it even in the same universe of moral offenses - as what Jane Mayer recounts in her book The Dark Side: The Inside Story of How the War on Terror Turned into a War on American Ideals (2008):

Bush also knew about, and approved of, White House meetings in which his top cabinet members were briefed by the CIA on its plans to use specific "enhanced" interrogation techniques [torture] on various high-value detainees. The meetings were chaired by [Condi-Condi] Rice, who was then the National Security Adviser, in the Situation Room. The participants were the members of the Principals Committee, the five Bush cabinet members who handled national security matters: Vice President Cheney, Secretary of State Powell, Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld, CIA Director Tenet, and Attorney General Ashcroft. Knowing how the Agency had been blamed for ostensible "rogue" actions in the past, Tenet was eager to spread the political risk of undertaking "enhanced interrogations." However, some members of the group became irritated with Tenet's insistence upon airing the grim details. "The CIA already had legal clearance to do these things," a knowledgeable source said, "and so it was pointless for them to keep sharing the details. No one was going to question their decisions - they were the CIA - they knew more than anyone else about each case. It's not as if any of the principals were debating the policy - that was already set. They wanted to go to the limit that the law required. But Tenet would say, 'We're going to do this, this, and this.'" Ashcroft in particular took offense at discussing such distasteful matters inside the White House. "History will not judge us kindly," he reportedly warned. There is no indication, however, that any Bush cabinet members objected to the policy. Cheney was described as "totally pushing it," and Rice, during the early period when Zubayda was captured, was described by a knowledgeable source as "a total hard-ass." The source suggested, "She was probably reflecting what the President wanted." (my emphasis)
This is the worst band of scoundrels ever to run the American government. I'm sure that John Edwards would have ended the torture policy. So please don't anyone try to tell me that Dick Cheney is a more moral person that John Edwards because Cheney doesn't cheat on his wife, preferring instead to get his sexual kicks designing the details of torture sessions.

Get back to me when the US is no longer in the business of torturing people and launching preventive wars. When we don't have a Cabinet full of gangsters who sit around talking about what kind of twisted sexual perversions to apply to prisoners selected to be tortured, and worrying about how they can avoid being arrested for what they're doing. Then we'll talk about what role that failure to adhere to Southern Baptist standards of sexual conduct should play in American politics.

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Wednesday, January 02, 2008

Andrew Jackson: a new PBS special and Web site


Photograph of Old Hickory late in life

Our Blue Voice partner FDTate called my attention, via this article Jackson's 1st presidential year revealed by Fred Brown Knoxville News Sentinel 12/17/07, to the fact that PBS is presenting a program on Andrew Jackson tonight, called Andrew Jackson: Good, Evil and the Presidency (9:00 PM Eastern). A good way to start the year. I mean, if it's a decent program, that is. The "first year" in the Knoxville News Sentinel is not referring to the PBS program, which apparently deals with his whole Presidency. That article provides a link to a video by Dan Feller, editor of the great man's papers. The main Web site for the program is up already (linked above) and as of Wednesday morning the video is apparently already available for viewing there, although I've only watched the Introduction so far.

The PBS preview Web site blurb says:

"Is he a president we should celebrate or a president we should apologize for? It's a question that could certainly spark a fierce debate about our current chief executive," notes Carl Byker, the film's producer, writer and co-director. "But of all the presidents whom Americans have had conflicting feelings about, the one who's been simultaneously adored and reviled with the most intensity is Andrew Jackson."
Dang! I ripped my shirt. Seeing George Bush and Andrew Jackson mentioned in the same breath always puts me in a clothes-rending mode.

Feller in his video refers to the three major political events of Jackson's Presidency: the Indian Removal Act, the confrontation with South Carolina secessionists and his fight with the Bank of the US. He also mentions that "Jackson, while he was personally very religious, resisted - very much - efforts by organized religious groups to influence government's agenda."

I assume the PBS special will talk about those three events. I don't know to what the good-and-evil theme in the program's title refers. The Indian Removal Act, while arguably not evil in intent on Jackson's part, certainly had evil consequences. It was a bad policy. And that's not projecting today's values anachronistically back onto that time. The opponents of the plan in Congress made moral arguments against it based on the standards of that time.

My admiration for Jackson and for what he represents in the history of American democracy is not based on some false assumption that he was a plaster saint. He was a slaveholder, and there is no evidence of which I'm aware that he was particularly "enlightened" in that role. Certainly, he did not publicly oppose slavery like Thomas Jefferson did, and he did not manumit (free) his slaves during his lifetime like George Washington did or upon his death as Jefferson did.

What makes Jackson a great President is that in the confrontation over secession with South Carolina and the battle with the Bank of the United States and its supporters, Jackson did the right thing for the country and for the broad majority of working people, in both cases defying his own class and narrow personal interests as a wealthy slaveowner to do so.

American democracy was a democracy of white men when Jackson became President in 1829 and remained so when he left office in 1837. But in 1837, it was a much expanded democracy. Jackson and his movement pressed to knock down property qualifications that prevented significant numbers of white men from voting. Jackson and his movement also recognized that the owners of concentrated wealth would use the power of the state to preserve and expand their own power at the expense of democracy and of ordinary people. Jackson and the Jacksonians understood that farmers and workers needed a party that would fight for their interests.

Even Jackson's famous use of the "spoils system", in that time when the actual number of government positions was very restricted and not specialized to anything like the degree they were even 50 years later, represented a significant expansion of democracy in that it opened opportunities for new groups and individuals and also removed many conservative-leaning types for whom government office had been more of an elite privilege.

Theodore Roosevelt was speaking very much in the Jacksonian mode in 1912 when he said:

There is absolutely nothing to be said for government by a plutocracy, for government by men very powerful in certain lines and gifted with the money touch, but with ideals which in their essences are merely those of so many glorified pawnbrokers.
It's not coincidental that TR made that statement when he was bolting from the Republican Party.

No political movement escapes the contradictions of its time. The Jacksonians were no exception. But what Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal represent to us today gives an idea of what Jackson's movement represented in the 1820s and 1830s.

One last thing. I saw some Paulian not long ago alluding to Jackson's battle with the Bank of the United States as a justification for the Bircher obsession with the Federal Reserve Bank today. That is nonsense. The Bank of the United States of Jackson's time was the central institution by which the most wealthy and socially dominant segment of society exercised a very restrictive financial control over the country. At the time of Jackson's Presidency, for example, something like one third of the Congress were receiving monetary stipends from the Bank! It compares only superficially in its actual function with the Federal Reserve.

Okay, PBS: don't screw this one up!

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Wednesday, July 25, 2007

Now this is cool!

This is Old Hickory himself, Andrew Jackson, as President, fighting the Bank of the United States, the chief agent of the "money power" to bribe Congress (literally!) and generally maintain the political power of the wealthy to the disadvantage of everyone else. An 1833 cartoon.

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Tuesday, February 06, 2007

Boy, don't we ever!



We Need Another Old Hickory writes Mike Lyon in the Huffington Post 02/06/07:

Let's look back at the election of 1828, "Old Hickory" Andrew Jackson lost on a populist platform, (our government was corrupt), in 1824 and the Country fell further into decline under John Quincy Adams. In 1828 General Jackson ran again and said "One man with courage makes a majority" Our Country responded to his populist message and he is, today, the Patriarch of our Party.
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Thursday, April 08, 2004

Confederate "Heritage" Month 2004, April 9: Roger Taney and the Dred Scott decision

The April 9 quote from Edward Sebesta's Web site is once again from Jefferson Davis.; This one concerns the notorious Dred Scott decision, which was a major factor in bringing on the Civil War. Chief Justice Roger Taney wrote what was probably the most disastrous Supreme Court decision in the history of the United States. (Bush v. Gore would be a major contender, but we don't know the final consequences of that one yet.)  I won't quote Davis' statement here, which blamed the abolitionists for all the trouble the decision caused. Instead, I'll talk about the decision itself.

Taney (whose name was pronounced like "Toney") had been US Attorney General under President Andrew Jackson, and later became Secretary of the Treasury. Ironically, though history rightly remembers him as worst of the worst reactionaries in US history for the Dred Scott decision, he achieved a reputation during the Jackson Administration as an economic radical (i.e., of the left-wing variety) during the fight with the Bank of the United States. It was Old Hickory himself who nominated him to be Chief Justice in 1835.

But Taney stands as a reminder and embodiment of the contradictions of Jacksonian democracy.  There was the side of the movement that fought for an expansion of democracy and an empowerment of the majority, which Taney represented in the battle over the Bank. And there was the side that represented Southern whites in their slaveholding interests, which Taney represented in the most destructive way in the Dred Scott decision of 1857.

Taney was a Catholic, and he reportedly believed that slavery was wrong. He manumitted slaves that he had inherited. But in the Dred Scott case, he threw the weight of the Court behind the Slave Power.

The case involved a slave suing for his freedom, contending that because his master had brought him to live in a territory in which slavery was not legal, he was made legally free by that residence. The decision denied Scott's appeal on the grounds that he was not a citizen of the United States and therefore had no grounds on which to appeal to the federal courts. "A free negro of the African race, whose ancestors were brought to this country and sold as slaves, is not a 'citizen' within the meaning of the Constitution of the United States." That was bad enough. But the language of the decision went far beyond that:

The act of Congress, therefore, prohibiting a citizen of the United States from taking with him his slaves when he removes to the Territory in question to reside, is an exercise of authority over private property which is not warranted by the Constitution and the removal of the plaintiff, by his owner, to that Territory, gave him no title to freedom.
Regulating slavery in the territories had been an accepted power of the national government even in the days of the Articles of Confederation. It had formed the basis of the various compromises in Congress which had until then prevented the slavery controversy from breaking out into secession and war. The Dred Scott decision destroyed the legal basis for further compromises of that kind.

In the context of Lost Cause dogma, this decision is also important because it was an exercise of national power on behalf of slavery. During the 1850s especially, when the Slave Power controlled the Presidency, the federal judiciary and much of the Congress, they were happy to use federal power to overrule "states rights" in defense of slavery. Given the choice between defending slavery and the abstract principle of "states rights," the slaveowners always chose defending slavery.

Abraham Lincoln, in a speech of June 26, 1857, attacking the Dred Scott decision, cited Andy Jackson in criticizing the decision. In that speech, Lincoln denounces the parts of Justice Taney's decision that argue that the Declaration of Independence never meant to include black people as even theoretically equal to whites:

In those days [of the Revolution], our Declaration of Independence was held sacred by all, and thought to include all; but now, to aid in making the bondage of the negro universal and eternal, it is assailed, and sneered at, and construed, and hawked at, and torn, till, if its framers could rise from their graves, they could not at all recognize it. All the powers of earth seem rapidly combining against him [the negro]. Mammon is after him; ambition follows, and philosophy follows, and the Theology of the day is fast joining the cry. They have him in his prison house; they have searched his person, and left no prying instrument with him. One after another they have closed the heavy iron doors upon him, and now they have him, as it were, bolted in with a lock of a hundred keys, which can never be unlocked without the concurrence of every key; the keys in the hands of a hundred different men, and they scattered to a hundred dfferent and distant places; and they stand musing as to what invention, in all the dominions of mind and matter, can be produced to make the impossibility of his escape more complete than it is.
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Friday, August 22, 2003

Why Old Hickory?

Why Old Hickory? Old Hickory is, of course, Andy Jackson, President of the United States, 1829-1837.

Because he's an heroic figure who championed the interest of working people against concentrated wealth and defended the Union and democracy against its enemies foreign and domestic.

He was also a deeply flawed hero, a slaveowner who - unlike Thomas Jefferson - defended the institution of slavery and displaced the Indian tribes of the Southeast in a way that any American today would find it difficult to defend.

He is an appropriate hero for Americans today because he was one of history's greatest champions of democracy.

But it's also important for us to remember that even our greatest heroes were people that made choices, some of them better than others. As long as our politicians feel it necessary to constantly say that America is "the greatest country in the world," something is wrong. When they no longer feel the need to say that, and when the voters no longer need to hear it all the time, we will have regained some of the realistic confidence that made leaders like Jackson what they were.

Some people today talk about George W. Bush's foreign policy being "Jacksonian."

Well, I keep a little bust of the General (as many of Jackson's admirers always called him) setting on my desk. And every time an article appears on my computer screen comapring him to today's Enron Republicans, his eyes seem to glow bright red.

- Posted by Bruce Miller 08/21/03

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