Showing posts with label taylor marsh. Show all posts
Showing posts with label taylor marsh. Show all posts

Thursday, April 02, 2009

Women in Afghanistan

Taylor Marsh has a strange position about the Afghanistan War. Back in January I posted about a post of hers calling for the Obama administration to make establishment of equal rights for women a major goal of the war there. She seemed to be oblivious to the fact that adopting such a goal would be a major expansion of the mission. And of the historical experience of the Soviets there, in which their requirements of schools for girls and the like became a major issue for the extremist Muslim terrorists brave mujaheddin freedom fighters the United States was actively supporting.

Today she's posting about a genuine outrage, President Karzai ‘Legalizes’ Rape 04/02/09. It's about a new law that our ally Hamid Karzai put into effect on his own authority without the action of Parliament requiring that married women have sex with their husbands under certain conditions. I'm not clear what the law actually says. According to the Canadian Press article to which she links, the law applies only to Shi'a women and says that they can't refuse sex to their husbands, apparently at all; Shi'a are a minority among a Sunni majority in Afghanistan. The account in Gesetz bestimmt Häufigkeit von Sex in der Ehe Die Welt 02.04.2009 says it requires women to have sex with their husbands once every four days (in the body of the article) or maybe four times per week (in the introductory summary). This account says it also requires the husband to agree to have sex with the wife at least once every four months.

So I'm really confused about what this new law actually says. But, once again, Taylor Marsh is outraged about the law without apparently putting it together what that means for her preferred women's-right war goal. If the very pro-American, relatively secular Hamid Karzai is imposing such a law, it says something about what kinds of obstacles women there have to overcome before gaining full equality. And it shows once again as we've seen in Iraq that the US likes to claim we're improving the status of women by making war on their country, but the practical effects are often very different than our advertised ideals.

And wars are the most unpredictable of tools to achieve anything. Optimistic views of Obama's current strategy are picturing another five years before the country can be stabilized and Karzai's government and army be at full capability. How many civilians - men, women and children - will be killed during that time? How many things can go wrong and send developments off into a very different direction? How open are men and women in Afghanistan going to be to American notions of women's equality when our planes and helicopters and drones are rocketing their villages and blowing up adults and children, fighters and noncombatants, young and old? And what kind of blowback will five or ten more years of Americans fighting in Afghanistan produce?

I'm sick of people coming up with pretty-sounding reasons to kill foreigners in wars thousands of miles away. And it's depressing to see after the experience of the Iraq and Afghanistan Wars already how hard it is for many people to come to grips with the real limits of American power that we've encountered.

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Monday, January 12, 2009

"Humanitarian" war and Afghanistan


Taylor Marsh at the Huffington Post Progressive Bankruptcy on Afghanistan 01/10/09 scolds "progressives", Steve Clemons and Rachel Maddow in particular, for their supposed insufficient concern for what would happen in Afghanistan if the US and NATO pulled out.

If we keep fighting a war until women in Afghanistan have the level of recognized and practical rights that women have in, say, Australia or Spain, or even the lower level in the US, we'll likely be fighting in Afghanistan for the lifetimes of most people now alive.

Yet after scolding "progressives" over this and suggesting that Obama needs to give more concern to Pakistan in that war, she also says, "I'm not in favor of escalating in Afghanistan like Iraq, mainly because Afghans have never had a central government, so it won't work."

This is frankly just silly. War supporters get very concerned about the rights of women in Muslim countries where they want to bomb and kill people. But without vastly escalating the number of troops, without having a "central government", and without committing ourselves to decades of war there, just how are we going to guarantee women's rights there?

This is a surprisingly disingenuous post from Marsh. For one thing, the purpose of the war that started in 2001 was never for the purpose of imposing more enlightened conditions for Afghan women, or even to fight the Taliban as such. It was to kill or capture as many of the cadres of Al Qa'ida, the terrorist group that attacked the US on 9/11/01, as possible. Rummy could certainly have done a more thorough job of that.

(An occupying power does have the legal responsibility to set up a representative government, though not one that would pass the European Union's minimum requirements for membership. Even the United States doesn't have one of those.)

But no matter how we define the mission, the same issues remain. Do we have the capability to achieve those goals at an acceptable cost? Is there a reasonable chance of success? Are the consequences of the war more damaging than beneficial? How are we going to come out of this with better results than the Soviet Union did? And the USSR, by the way, did try to impose more equal and modern conditions for women there, which was one of the main sources of hostility to them among the mujaheddin. That would be the brave Afghan freedom fighters that we armed and supported in the 1980s, though today we call them murdering Muslim terrorists.

Then there's the problem that in South Asia, Pakistan and India are chronically in tension over the disputed Kashmir province. The current Afghan government of Harmid Karzai is favored by India while Pakistan sees it as "pro-Indian", not entirely without reason. Whatever the cause for which we are fighting in Afghanistan, a continued war in Afghanistan that is expanding into Pakistan seriously complicates the effort Obama has said he wants to make to diffuse the Kashmir controversy. Which is a major issue in the Muslim world, and even more importantly has a major effect on nuclear nonproliferation efforts, Pakistan and India both being nuclear powers.

There's also the issue that protracted war in a Muslim country, especially one that scarcely has a functioning modern national state, is itself a problem, no matter what the goal is.

There's also the reality of mission creep that has occurred already. We went from going after Al Qa'ida, which the US assumed to require ousting the Taliban government, to fighting the "Taliban" resistance in Afghanistan, to increasing rocketing Pakistan and worrying about the "Taliban" insurgents there. I put "Taliban" in quotes here because from what Juan Cole says about the current situation, the groups that American officials and reporters code as "Taliban" are actually not all directly connected to the old Taliban government and movement. Many of them are Pushtun warlords and guerrilla groups. They are generally Islamist and generally opposed to Western and United Nations standards for women's rights. But to simply assume, like Taylor Marsh does in that post, that they will implement identical practices to the Taliban regime that we ousted in 2001, is largely speculation. And those practices were considered extreme even in the Muslim world.

The mission creep needs to stop. If we are going to continue the war, we need to set a clear goal and strategy and some kind of reasonable time line for an exit. And whether the goal is making sure that we've damaged Al Qa'ida as much as we feasibly can with such an approach - which is likely already the case - or to keep a pro-India government in power there, or to permanently secure some considerably higher level of rights for Afghan women, we need to be realistic about what it takes. In military and economic terms, in losses to Americans, other NATO countries and to Afghanistan, in the likelihood of creating an even more massive refugee crisis in Afghanistan. The last I recall seeing, Iraq and Afghanistan were the two biggest refugee crisis in the world, even more serious than Darfur, and even if that ranking doesn't hold, it's already very serious.

All these are problems that have to be addressed no matter what war aims.

Marsh, at least so far as that post indicates, seems to think it's just a matter of that famous American Will on which rightwing commentators put such great stock. She seems to think that the main problems is that "progressives [are] losing their moral courage" to continue the Afghanistan War. To take that posture and then to say that she doesn't support escalating like in Iraq but also wants to do some kind of vague more in Pakistan, that's really just silly.

And on the change of war aim itself. She does more-or-less advocate that, though hardly in the unambiguous terms her scorn for Clemons and Maddow on the issue would indicate:
Maybe progressives against action in Afghanistan should consider looking at a broader picture in Afghanistan, one that includes women's rights, but also the rights of young girls to go to school, and whether that is a long term strategic interest to the U.S., not some luxury for which we can't afford to fight.
We shouldn't be under any illusions about this. This would be a vast expansion of the American mission in Afghanistan, and one that would take much longer and probably be more difficult to achieve than the ones we're already failing to achieve - to the extent that anyone actually knows what the ones we're trying to achieve right now really are.

But just as the US has neither the right nor the actual power to be the sheriff of the whole world, neither do we have the right nor the power to be the armed humanitarians of the world.

And it's long past time for Americans to be regularly asking questions about wars, such as, is there any right in international law for the United States or NATO to decide that we will carry on a counterinsurgency war for years or decades in order to protect women's rights as such? Or to carry on even a fast war? Not that I'm aware. Even the case for unilateral intervention (i.e., without UN sanction) in instances of actual genocide is highly questionable, for better or worse.

Failing to recognize the limits of our own power has been a key failing of the United States in the last eight years, and not for the first time in history. But the strategic consequences of such lack of recognition has been more disastrous with the Iraq War than ever before, even in the Vietnam War. Those limits are there, even in good causes.

And we always fight for good causes, don't we?

War is sometimes a necessary evil, but it remains an evil. And it sets off consequences that are often far greater than anyone envisioned at the start.

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Wednesday, December 26, 2007

Confederate "Heritage" Month Coming Early?

Since Jefferson Davis is no longer available, why not Ron Paul?

Every April since 2004, I've been celebrating Confederate "Heritage" Month by posting daily at Old Hickory's Weblog about various aspects of pre-Civil War history and the use in more recent times of Lost Cause dogma, aka, neo-Confederate ideology.

Ron Paul finally got the attention of a number of liberals when he came out last Sunday on Meet the Press as opposed to civil rights laws, accused Abraham Lincoln of starting the Civil War as part of his nefarious intent to destroy the Constitution and worried that the US had been way too hasty in abolishing slavery.

After that, liberals who can't figure out that the guy is a flaming rightwinger probably wouldn't be able to see it if he put together an ad campaigning featuring himself yelling, "I hate n*****s!" They would claim that, well, he's expressing a personal opinion, but he still supports the Constitution.

I'm going to link to a few posts that have come out in response to Paul's overt neo-Confederate stance. But I want to make the point first that, yes, politics makes strange bedfellows, I don't mind if he's against the war, some of his support up to now comes from his criticism of the Iraq War, and yadda, yadda. But not only is the guy a flaming rightwinger who panders to racists and nativists. His criticism of the war is poor quality. He says things like he's opposed to the war because it was fought to enforce UN resolutions, which is false and also echoes a stock prowar argument. Among the New World Order paranoids who are his most enthusiastic and longtime supporters, the UN is a particularly sinister element of the Jewish World Conspiracy against good Christian American white folks.

And what about his response to Business Week when asked how he would respond to a "hostile" action by Iran and he responded that he would treat it like Kennedy did the Cuban Missile Crisis? And we're supposed to think this guy is some kind of antiwar hardliner?

Josh Marshall at TPM picked up on Paul's pro-Confederate comments to Timmy Russert in You're No Abraham Lincoln 12/24/07, saying straightforwardly that what Paul said was "morally and historically wrong". TPM has the video clip, which I'm also including at the end of this post. Marshall also asks caustically, "Did Paul give in to the heavy media pressure to come up with a clear position on slavery and the Civil War?"

No, but he wanted to make sure his tribe of hardline rightwingers know that he's one of them, despite the praise he's been getting from liberals who should know better.

In a 12/26/07 post, Antipodes, he returns to the "alternative universe" of the Paulians. Here he grouses a bit along the lines of, why should I have to bother about Ron Paul one way or the other, because his poll showing is pitiful.

There are a couple of reasons. One is that Paul has been a chief conduit for mainstreaming themes from the white-supremacist, militia-type far right into the Republican Party, although admittedly it's increasingly jarring to see any form of the word "mainstream" in the same sentence with "Republican Party". In connection with that, the Old Right isolationist viewpoint that Ron Paul represents is working hard to appeal to today's peace movement. But their basic orientation is not fundamentally different than Dick Cheney's unilateralist nationalism, despite differences on specific policies. And I don't want to see the revived peace movement marginalize itself by embracing Old Right unilateralist approaches.

The other is what Taylor Marsh notes in a post at her blog that is otherwise way too generous to Paul (Mormons for Ron Paul 12/23/07), "If he'd run as an independent I believe all hell would break loose politically with Democrats jumping across to vote for him on the issue of Iraq and foreign policy alone." We won't know until after a few primaries whether Paul is interesting in such a move. But it's unthinkable that some Republican movers and shakers haven't toyed with that idea as a way to keep the White House in Republican clutches.

Jane Hamsher at FireDogLake writes on Russert Roasts Ron Paul on Meet the Press 12/23/07, observing that, "Russert expresses the outrage of the Village Elders at Ron Paul for being...well, Ron Paul. And rocking the Republican boat."

That's probably true. But not every "alternative" viewpoint to the press corps conventional wisdom is a good alternative. And within today's GOP, even though there's not much discussion among Presidential candidates of the Civil War, the neo-Confederate viewpoint is more-or-less respectable.

Glenn Greenwald continues to sing Paul's praises, although he has said that he's not supporting him or anyone else for President, in Various items Salon 12/24/07 (item 4).

Meanwhile, the invaluable Edward Sebesta at his Anti-Neo-Confederate blog makes his own debunking of Paul's pseudohistory in Ron Paul whistles Dixie 12/24/07.

Digby notes that Paul also embraces not just neo-Confederate pseudohistory but also creationist pseudoscience in Dogwhistling Into Hell Hulabaloo blog 12/23/07. She also points out that Paul is very much a mainstream Republican on creationism. Also, she looks at Paul's far-right affinities in Tucker And Air Force Amy 12/26/07. That report talks about conservative journalist Tucker Carlson observing during Ron Paul appearances that Paul's audiences typically responded most enthusiastically to a line about how the Federal Reserve Bank is unconstitutional, a longtime rightwing talking point and one of the John Birch Society's big causes. Digby observes, that...

... it should be of more than a passing interest to mainstream journalists who are writing about Ron Paul that his biggest applause lines are echoes of an underground right wing radicalism that's coming up to the surface. I don't know what it means, but it's usually not a good sign.
And Daily Kos (Markos Moulitsas) digs up a telling quote from Ron Paul from 1992, reflecting a position he's given us no reason to think he's changed, in The overt racist in the GOP field 12/26/07. As Moulitsas says with sarcasm, "But Paul is against the war in Iraq and he wants FREEDOM! So that must make his racism okay."

At the history-oriented Edge of the American West blog, a couple of recent posts challenged Paul's pseudohistory, Ron Paul: Very Gradual Emancipationist by Ari Kelman 12/23/07; Slavery did too cause the Civil War by Eric Rauchway 12/24/07; Ron Paul: Not a Third Party Candidate by Kelman (with a comment by me) 12/26/07; and, About forty-five years ago. When did you start? by Rauchway 12/26/07.

Shoot, with the post I already have in the can for April relating the Mexican War, aka, la guerra de los Estados Unidos a Mexico, I could fill up the whole month of Confederate "Heritage" posts just by quoting those posts linked here and commenting on them.

Ron Paul on the evils of Abraham Lincoln from his Meet the Press appearance of 12/23/07:



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