Thursday, September 22, 2011

Segregation, Tea Partying and Southern religion

Don't miss the excellent summary by Heather "Digby" Parton of the Republican segregationist strategy of voter suppression aimed at African-American, Latino and poor white voters, Vote suppression in the US revs up Al Jazeera English 09/19/2011.

I use the word "segregationist" literally, because this stuff is a direct lineal descendant of the Deep South segregation procedures used to disenfranchise black voters and poor whites there. Digby makes this connection explicit:

Voter intimidation and vote suppression had long been a part of Democratic politics in the South, in places where African-Americans had been granted an illusory right to vote. But as the South made its dramatic shift to the Republican Party in the wake of the Civil Rights Act, and as African-American voters in the North then shifted to the Democrats, the Republicans began to dominate the process and thus began the decades-long GOP project to suppress the vote. Along the way it has developed into a full-blown operation to undermine democracy in general, at whatever choke points are available. [my emphasis]
Hal Crowther, columnist for the Oxford American, writes about the not-always-enlightened nature of Southern Christianity and its political manifestations in A chorus of Global Village idiots 05/30/2011. The global village angle he explains this way:

The success of Egypt's current revolution has been credited to the Internet and the devices that connect its initiates. Popular movements learn, brainstorm, strategize, and raise money online. Even the implacable bullies who rule China and North Korea have been frustrated by technology that enables a freedom-starved younger generation to conspire without congregating. Still, there's a dark side of the Global Village, a wrong side of the global tracks. In Gainesville, Florida, a fundamentalist minister with a double-digit IQ burns a Koran, for the amusement of thirty malnourished peckerwoods who make up his congregation-and in Mazar-I-Sharif, Afghanistan, a mob of Muslim fanatics slaughters twelve United Nations workers to avenge this insult to the Prophet.

Pastor Terry Jones of the (ironically named) Dove World Outreach Center had the burning videotaped, of course, and streamed it on the church's website. In just ten days, this remote spark, launched online, became a conflagration halfway around the planet. The day after the massacre at the UN compound, thousands of protesters rioted in Kandahar. Nine more people died and eighty were injured. The final body count from Pastor Terry's stupidity may exceed American military casualties for the month of April.

It's not unfair to say that there are more and deadlier idiots in Kandahar than in Gainesville. But the point is that the Global Village harbors a million village idiots, and no idiot is an island. Not anymore.
"Peckerwoods" is an excellent Southern word I need to put back into my regular vocabulary.

Crowther also treats the phony white Christian whine about how ever'body's pickin' on 'em with the dignity it deserves:

Evangelical religion of an extreme stripe-fire and brimstone, biblical inerrancy-thrives in many far corners of the republic, but the South is its wellspring and its homeland. A county-by-county map of America constructed by Dante Chinni and James Gimpel for their book Our Patchwork Nation indicates that nearly all the counties colored yellow for "Evangelical Epicenters" are in the traditional South and the border state of Missouri. Feral religion has been the South's second greatest embarrassment, after race. Unfortunately, they've been closely linked. We can never afford to forget that those were crosses the Ku Klux Klan burned at their rallies and lynchings. And there's no denying that most segregationist Protestants of the Jim Crow generations believed that heaven itself was segregated.

When Rob Bell, the influential pastor of an evangelical Michigan megachurch, suggested in his new book Love Wins that it's high time Christians set aside archaic notions of a literal, sulfurous, demon-infested hell, all hell broke loose in the Southern synod. They cling passionately to their inferno, these least and cruelest of our Christian brethren, because there's no way on earth they can take adequate revenge on those of us who disagree with them-though they claim they love us and hope to save us in spite of ourselves.

Hell is the sturdy keystone of gloomy Calvinism. [my emphasis]
"Feral religion" is an inspired phrase that I'm also going to add to my vocabulary.

Check out both Digby's article and Crowther's. They're both mind-expanding.

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Wednesday, September 21, 2011

President Obama at the UN opposing Palestinian recognition and preaching austerity economics

President Obama addressing the United Nations General Assembly today at 29:30 in the video below:

We acted together to avert a depression in 2009. We must take urgent and coordinated action once more. Here in the United States I've announced a plan to put Americans back to work and jump-start our economy, at the same time as I'm committed to substantially reducing our deficits over time. [my emphasis]


Obama is too committed to the neoliberal/Washington Consensus/free-market/deregulation ideology to maintain his jobs emphasis for very long, it appears. He probably really does think we avoided the depression that we're actually experiencing. But if he expects to campaign as a champion of job creation against the Republicans, I just don't see how that will work if he constantly steps on the jobs message by pairing it - even in the same sentence - with making big cuts to bring down the deficit. In this speech, he gives a standard spiel about the glories of free-market economics. (28:00)

As one would expect, his UN speech contained a lot of boilerplate about peace, human rights and democracy. And rhetorical praise of the Arab Awakening.

But the Nobel Peace Prize winner reminds us early on that we still have to tremble in fear of the might Al Qa'ida, though "its leadership has been degraded." (6:00) He praises "the moral force of nonviolence" (10:15), then moves immediately into justifying his Libya War.

As expected, he spent a significant part of the speech justifying the US support for the Israeli position against the UN recognizing Palestine as a state. (18:40) "Peace is hard work," he said, recalling President Bush's famous debate gaffe in 2004 about how being President is hard work. He meant this as a scolding to the Palestinians for taking their demand for recognition to the United Nations.

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Colin Powell defends the Iraq War

Aljazeera English has posted an interview it did with Former US Secretary of State Colin Powell as part of its 9/11 tenth anniversary coverage. He's very defensive about the role he played in starting the Iraq War and defends the war itself.



The two brief articles accompanying the video, Colin Powell regrets Iraq war intelligence 09/11/2011 (which features a somewhat shorter version of the Powell interview) Talk to Al Jazeera: Colin Powell 09/19/2011, doesn't convey the extent to which Powell's responses are defensive of his and the Cheney-Bush Administration's actions in the Iraq War.

Here are a few high points to listen for.

7:30 Al Qa'ida not still a significant threat (my version of the implication of what he says)

9:00 How to measure Al Qa'ida's capabilities

13:00 "Imagine how I felt ..." This is the whiniest part of the interview

15:00 The Democrats were wrong about Iraq's WMDs, too!

16:00 The chaos, killing and destruction in Iraq were "caused by an insurgency," not by the Anglo-American invasion

17:00 The Iraqis would have adored us if we had just gone in with a larger force

24:00 Takes on the "why do they hate us" question; mentions foreign policy grievances, but fall back on the Bush they-hate-us-for-our-values meme

24:40 Refuses to say what he thinks about secret US prisons ("black sites")

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Gov. Niki Haley's Republican epistemology

South Carolina's Republican Gov. Nikki Haley on her reality-checking methodology (from Arthur Delaney, Nikki Haley: Jobless On Drugs Claim From Bad Information Huffington Post 09/20/2011:

"I've never felt like I had to back up what people tell me. You assume that you're given good information," Haley told Jim Davenport of the Associated Press. "And now I'm learning through you guys that I have to be careful before I say something."
In related news, One in 3 S.C. Republicans think Obama a Muslim, born in another country by Wayne Washington The State 09/20/2011.

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Tuesday, September 20, 2011

Progressives give President Obama a (muffled) cheer on taxing billionaires

Progressives who have been fairly critical of President Obama were willing to give a cautious cheer for his deficit-reduction speech on Monday for its confrontational rhetoric and his thematizing of tax increases for the wealthy.

Even the "firebaggers" at Firedoglake have found some nice things to say, like Blue Texan in All the Right People Hate Obama’s Deficit Plan 09/20/2011. Like, "Maybe he's finally learning."


David Dayen in Democrats Lining Up in Support of More Populist Obama Stances FDL News 09/19/2011 explains that the White House is selling this latest ploy to Democrats as a way to establish clear distinctions for the 2012 campaign. He notes that Democratic support was not as enthusiastic and high-profile as the White House had hoped on his jobs plan. While he sees more positive signs of support on the taxing-the-wealthy issue, even there he sees prominent Democrats hedging their bets: "Progressive Caucus co-chairs Raul Grijalva and Keith Ellison managed to stay roughly in support as well, while also keeping their eyes on the important details of the needs for Medicare and Medicaid."

Sam Stein in Obama Debt Reduction Plan Calms Democrats' Concerns On And Off Hill Huffington Post 09/19/2011 also reports that the deficit reduction proposals have, "at least momentarily, managed to placate a community of progressive activists, Democratic operatives and congressional offices who have grown increasingly despondent over the course of his presidency."

But that title and lede paragraph don't convey the caution in some of the assesments he quotes. Here's Howard Dean, a progressive favorite:

"I was very pleased with the president's veto statement. I am a supporter of this," said Howard Dean, a former Vermont governor and DNC chairman. "Are there a few things that maybe should have been done differently? Maybe so. But overall, this is a very good place to start and now we just have to make damn sure we don't make any of the kind of irresponsible concessions that Republicans are going to ask for." [my emphasis]
Now that Obama has worked hard to be seen as President Pushover, Democrats are understandably leery of enthusiastically backing a White House initiative for fear that Obama will start compromising it away the next day. Stein finds even the flaboyant Cajun James Carville hedging his bets:

"From everything I see, this seems to be pretty good stuff," said James Carville, the longtime Democratic consultant who just days ago urged the president to panic and start firing staffers. "Realistically, how much you will end up with, I don't know. But if you start there, you will end up somewhere better."

Carville said he believed the type of proposals that made it into the plan would help bolster Obama's reelection prospects.

"The most popular thing you can do to cut the deficit is to raise taxes on people making over a million dollars. That's not just a sop to the Democratic base, that is a sop to roughly 65 percent of the country," Carville said. "So, good. If this signals something new, then great." [my emphasis]
I have a sinking feeling that Obama jumped the shark when he explicitly offered cuts in Social Security and Medicare benefits to Republicans during the debt-ceiling fiasco. Meaning he put himself on a downward political trajectory.

Social Security and Medicare are vitally necessary, successful and extremely popular programs. After all the other retreats from major 2008 campaign themes and pledges, when he signalled he was willing to cut benefits on bedrock programs like Social Security and Medicare, anyone paying attention has to wonder if he will fight for anything constructive any more. And Democratic elected officials have to be worried about the toxic effects of those proposals on their own election prospects. And with Obama's approval ratings dropping, Democratic officials have to be cautious about typing themselves to a Presidency with a very uncertain future.

I'm happy to see Obama make the case for progressive taxation. Actually, when he did in his deficit speech was make a case against regressive taxation, which isn't actually the same thing. But if he winds up running a Presidential campaign based on increased taxes for the wealthy and defending Social Security and Medicare benefits, I'm happy to see it. One of his great failings as President is to continually frame issues in a conservative way: deficits are disastrous, "entitlement reform," the federal budget is like the family budget, etc. To the extent he frames issues like Social Security and Medicare in a Democratic partisan way, the harder it will be for either him or a President Goodhair Perry to impose Social Security and Medicare cuts in 2013. And that's a good thing.

His challenges for 2012 are real. And Obama's commitment to his vision of postpartisanship and Herbert Hoover economics may not allow him to wage the kind of election campaign that might be successful. But it's nice to see him making at least a feint in that direction this week.

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June convocation of Christian Right leaders against President Obama

Brian Kaylor of Ethics Daily has been reporting on private meetings of Christian Right leaders that they use to plan strategy. In a two-part series called "Behind Closed Doors," he describes a major convocation in Dallas this past June, convened by Southern Baptist minister and longtime Christian Right leader James Robison.

Part 1 of that pair of articles, Conservative Christian Group Plots Political Revival 06/22/2011, gives a helpful list of some of the leaders in attendance. Like other political groups, the leaders and participants are continually in flux, so we need solid reporting to keep up with them:

According to a list obtained by EthicsDaily.com, among the attendees at the meeting were several Southern Baptist leaders: Robert Jeffress, pastor of First Baptist Church of Dallas who recently suggested on Fox News that Obama was a Muslim; Richard Land of the Southern Baptist Convention's Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission; Richard Lee, pastor and the editor of the controversial The American Patriot's Bible; and former North American Mission Board head Bob Reccord, who now heads the semi-secretive group the Council for National Policy, founded by Tim LaHaye. Jerry Falwell Jr., president of Liberty University and son of the late founder of the Moral Majority, was scheduled to attend but couldn't make it.

Also attending the meeting were: Jacob Aranza, a minister who in the 1980s helped popularize the theory that rock ’n’ roll music included backmasked messages promoting drug use and sex; Vonette Bright, widow of Campus Crusade for Christ founder Bill Bright, who played a key role in conservative religious-political efforts that birthed the so-called "Religious Right"; Jerry Boykin, a former Pentagon official rebuked for violating policies by speaking in churches in uniform; Jim Garlow, chairman of Newt Gingrich's organization, Renewing American Leadership; Ruth Graham, daughter of evangelist Billy Graham; Harry Jackson, a politically active conservative pastor; David Lane, who has led several efforts to politically mobilize pastors; Ron Luce of Teen Mania Ministries; former Republican U.S. Rep. Bob McEwen; Rod Parsley, a controversial megachurch pastor who endorsed John McCain in 2008 before being rejected by McCain; Samuel Rodriguez of the National Hispanic Christian Leaders Conference; and Don Wildmon of the American Family Association.

Also attending the meeting was Rabbi Daniel Lapin, whom Robison described to EthicsDaily.com as someone who is "convinced that Christians hold the hope for stability on earth." Lapin, who has been heavily involved in various Republican efforts, was part of disgraced lobbyist Jack Abramoff's financing work that landed Abramoff in prison. [my emphasis]
That "backmasking" paranoia was one of the most idiotic Christian Right fads I can remember.

Part 2, Conservative Christian Group Seeks New Reagan 06/23/2011, explains some of their priority policy goals at that conference:

"Along with many national and church leaders, I'm seeking to know what must be done in order to effectively deal with present-day challenges," Robison wrote. "We must hold fast to moral principles and also make wise decisions concerning fiscal policies and practices."

Robison then listed his conservative agenda for candidates to meet, including being pro-life, pro-Israel, against same-sex marriage, for smaller government and reducing government spending, for a strong defense to fight "Radical Islam," for the free market, and against "excessive, foolish taxation."
This is a reminder of how futile it is to expect a major split between the Christian Right and corporate interests in the Republican Party, or between Main Street and Wall Street factions, as it's sometimes expressed. Low taxes and light regulations for the rich are just as much Christian moral principles for them as shaming the sluts who gets pregnant without being married preserving the lives of innocent unborn children.

Kaylor reports in a later article, Conservative Christian Group Met with Rick Perry07/05/2011, that then-not-yet-Presidential-candidate Gov. Goodhair met with the groups to talk, uh, spiritual values:

Robison's first blog post following the gathering dealt with issues of spiritual renewal and politics.

"Active participation is both a privilege and responsibility to choose wise leaders who will support sound policy and legislation in order for good government to become a reality," Robison wrote. "Now is the time to fall on our knees before God and then stand on our feet before men. We must demonstrate the power of God's transforming grace. All legitimate concerns and painful issues must be addressed with prayer, love and compassion. When we stand tall for His truth, we will see the transformation of people leading to the restoration of sound principles."

Robison said, "It is time to pray, then take action with boldness and love as we call all men to return to the rock-solid foundation of God's truth. Keep in mind, our economic challenges will not be corrected until we address moral decay. We should remember what President Reagan said: 'If America ceases to be a nation under God, we will be a nation gone under.'"
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Monday, September 19, 2011

Obama's latest austerity speech

President Obama today made another pitch for his variety of Herbert Hoover economics.



There was some combative rhetoric in there, which may help the Democrats some politically. But after seeing him for so many months in President Pushover mode, how can we get excited about his promising to not stand for this, or not to allow that?

Particularly knowing his fondness for capitulating to the Republicans, this line from the peroration after 17:20 in the video was just depressing: "I will veto any bill that changes benefits for those who rely on Medicare but does not raise serious revenue by asking [sic] the wealthiest Americans and biggest corporations to pay their fair share."

It would have been an inspiring line if he had said, "I will veto any bill that changes benefits for those who rely on Medicare." Period. Full stop.

But the plain meaning of what he actually said was that he is willing to cut "benefits for those who rely on Medicare," if the Republicans would just toss him a policy bone that he can call "serious revenue" from the wealthy.

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September 11 retrospective: The Dissent symposium (2 of 2)

More from Dissent's Symposium: Ten Years Later on the 9/11 attacks and their effects.

Nicolaus Mills writes on Ten Years Later: The 9/11 Photo That Changed America 09/08/2011. The photo he means is this one, known as "The Falling Man” by Richard Drew:


Michael Kazin, Ten Years Later: The Right Since 9/11 09/08/2011

Since the 2008 election, prominent conservatives, both in and out of office, have made their alternative to “the political establishment” alarmingly explicit. They now take views on nearly every domestic issue that, by definition, are profoundly reactionary. Glenn Beck declares he “hates” Woodrow Wilson for initiating the Federal Reserve system, while Rick Perry calls Social Security a failure and a “Ponzi scheme” and would like to abolish the income tax. Both Perry and Michele Bachmann proudly declare their wish that all Americans convert to their sort of triumphal Christianity. Before 2001, most conservatives hoped to roll back certain parts of the Great Society—although not Medicare or the Civil Rights Act. Now, an increasing number would like to repeal nearly everything government has accomplished, with popular support, during the entire twentieth century. The GOP majority in the House of Representatives seems eager to begin that mighty task.

The hypocritical Right has thus been succeeded by a hysterical Right. There is no room in this vitriolic camp for such thoughtful Bushian conservatives as David Frum and Michael Gerson, much less Sam Tanenhaus, an admiring biographer of Whittaker Chambers and William F. Buckley. David Brooks, who once said his task as a columnist for the New York Times was “to explain Red America to Blue America,” seems entirely disgusted by national politics and has taken refuge in neuropsychology.
Feisal Mohamed, Ten Years Later: Elegy, Memorial, and Mourning 09/08/2011:

In her recent reflections on 9/11, Former Director General of MI5 Eliza Manningham-Buller remarked that “terrorism is resolved through politics and economics, not through arms and intelligence”; that it is fundamentally unhelpful to declare war on terror, which will always exist in some form; and that the attacks were a crime and need to be thought of as such. On which anniversary of the attacks will these obvious truths be widely acknowledged?
This is one of those don’t-associate-me-with-those-bad-leftist pieces: Bhaskar Sunkara, Ten Years Later: The History of Possibility 09/08/2011. He makes an interesting juxtaposition between the anti-globalization protests in Seattle in late 1999 and Muslim terrorism-related event:

A common sentiment among those who took part in the movement is that of a historical moment cut short. The Islamist attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon fostered a domestic environment that allowed American troops to be deployed to Afghanistan and Iraq. The “anti-globalization” movement receded from view, but before long street protests returned. The build-up to the Second Gulf War saw history’s largest demonstrations. But now the Left was on the defensive. “Anti-imperialist” rhetoric was resurrected, Students for a Democratic Society was reborn, but the anti-war movement proved no more able to stop war than the “anti-globalization” movement was able to end capitalism. ...

There were signs, even then, that the future would not be kind to the Left. In December 1999, while broken storefront windows were still being swept up in parts of Seattle, Ahmed Ressam was arrested around eighty miles west of the city. He was found with an impressive cache of explosives, weapons he loaded into the trunk of a rental car and planned to use to bomb Los Angeles International Airport. At the dawn of the millennium, some socialists looked forward to the resurgence of the Left, but this may have always been reaction’s moment.
This seems an odd sentiment for the editor of an online journal called Jacobin. But that’s material for other articles.

What I’ll say here is that it comes off as an oddly cynical reading of the real shifts in American politics in the 2000s. However much a disappointment the Obama Administration has been to partisan Democrats, the political developments that took place from the October 2002 authorization for war on Iraq, one of the historic low points in our political system’s history, to the election of Barack Obama as President in 2008, the public gave expression to a real democratic resistance against the policies of the Cheney-Bush Administration. That isn’t changed by the fact that Obama has governed in a far more conservative manner than his campaign presented him.

Did those developments constitute a “resurgence of the Left” in Sunkara’s sense? If we define “the Left” as rioting anarchists, which seems to be his sense of it, then no, it didn’t. But in the sense the term is commonly conceived in US politics, it did. It’s hard to see how he can conclude from those developments that “this may have always been reaction’s moment.”

James B. Rule in Ten Years Later: Bringing out the Worst 09/08/2011, does what the title implies. He summarizes the dark side of the US response to 9/11:

To the consternation of liberals and civil libertarians, the Obama administration has extended many of these policies—“extraordinary renditions” of prisoners for torture abroad included. But perhaps even more disturbing than America’s out-sourcing of torture are the legal doctrines now stoutly defended by the Obama administration for concealing the true extent of the new authoritarianism of the American state.
Dissent's online editor Nick Serpe takes up some of the same theme in Ten Years Later: The War at Home 09/08/2011:

The ideals of open government, of a public and legislative approach to security and to war, and of the unjust persecution of even a small number as the persecution of us all, can only spur so many. For a brief time, when he took office, Obama appeared to be one with these ideals: he abolished official torture and closed CIA prisons abroad. But he quickly gave up on shutting down Guantánamo and has embraced the permanent suspension of habeas corpus, an official policy of assassination, and the continued use of extraordinary rendition.

The national security state, grown alongside our wars declared and not, is not an election issue. A Beltway consensus has emerged in favor of preserving its new tricks, and there’s no doubt that a new Republican president would have fewer scruples about legality than the current president does.
Sarah Leonard in Ten Years Later: Self-Surveillance and Social Media 09/08/2011 discusses the mass surveillance that Cheney-Bush Administration implemented after 9/11.

And Greg Smithsimon in Ten Years Later: City of Comrades gives his take on the immediate collective New York City response to the attacks.

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Throwing away the White House

Salon's Steve Kornacki offers a breathless hype about the possibilities of Obama drawing sharp distinctions with the Republicans on jobs in Obama and the art of picking a fight 09/19/2011. His pitch runs:

The "Buffett principle" that President Obama will apparently embrace Monday morning is a lot like the jobs plan he unveiled earlier this month: The fact that it has little chance of being codified is practically beside the point.

According to reports that broke Sunday night, Obama will present the following line demand as the congressional deficit reduction supercommittee formulates its plan: If the final blueprint calls for Medicare and Social Security cuts without demanding more revenue from the wealthy, he'll veto it. Apparently, Obama will unveil his own $3 trillion that will call for eliminating tax loopholes and deductions for the wealthy -- a group that Warren Buffett, one of the richest men in America, has been arguing benefits from an effective tax rate that is disproportionately low compared to middle class. ...

So what we have here is the makings of a reelection strategy, one rooted in redirecting swing voters’ intense anxiety, frustration and anger away from Obama and onto the GOP. [my emphasis]
Immediately following that last sentence, he seems to have a glimpse of what a desperate hope it is: "Obviously, there’s not much inspiring about this, but it's probably Obama's best bet for winning a second term -- and maybe then having more leverage to actually enact some of his preferred economic policies." That sounds something like: that cobra just bit me, but maybe he's a mutant variety without venom and it won't hurt me.

Kornacki seems to completely miss the disastrous aspect that he explicitly describes: "If the final blueprint calls for Medicare and Social Security cuts without demanding more revenue from the wealthy, he'll veto it." If that is going to be the red line that Obama plans to boldly insist he simply won't cross, the Democrats are looking at electoral catastrophe in 2012. Because obviously, that formulation means that some increase in taxes on the wealthy would be considered an acceptable trade-off for cuts to Social Security and Medicare.

Mitt Romney or Rick Perry would be far worse as President than Obama. But at this point, I'm expecting one of those two to be the next President. November 2012 is a long way away. But I'm thinking of the following fairly banal considerations:

  • Unemployment is likely to be high and economic growth still very limited, at best, in 2012. This is always a very bad electoral sign for incumbent Presidents.
  • The national press is badly broken. Their particular brand of malfunction tends more often to favor Republicans themes and candidates than Democrats.
  • The Republican Presidential campaign will outspend Obama's re-election campaign. Obama will most likely be able to raise the $1 billion his team estimates they need for the campaign. But in this first post-Citizen's United Presidential race, the Republicans will spend more.
  • Obama needs to turn out the Democratic voting base. I don't anticipate this to be much of a problem. Because the Republican candidate will be scarier for this group than Obama is disappointing.
  • Obama needs the Democratic voting base to vote for him. I would expect the number of habitual Democratic voters who would switch to Romney or Perry to be negligible in its effect on the outcome. But a non-negligible number will be sorely tempted to cast a protest vote for a third party. In a tightly contested state like Ohio or Florida, this could be decisive.
  • Obama needs Democratic-leaning independents to support him and to care enough to vote. This is the gaping hole in the Obama team's political strategy. Polls show this group being the most disaffected by Obama's President Pushover act. And the White House's proposing cuts to Social Security and Medicare benefits severely undercuts what should have been their most effective wedge issues to offset the electoral effects of bad economic conditions.
Several recent articles discuss the severe effect that national conditions are having on voters' attitudes in California, even with a popular, articulate and combative Democratic Governor like Jerry Brown.

Shane Goldmacher, Poll illustrates California voters' anger McClatchy-Tribune News Service 09/05/2011:

Although Obama has previously called for strategic government investments to stimulate the economy, only 37 percent of California voters said they favor such an approach. Instead, the Republican view - that slashing government spending to restrain the deficit will better lead to prosperity - was preferred by 49 percent of respondents, according to the survey sponsored by the USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences and the Times.

"The argument of 'We need to cut the size of government, we need to reduce the deficit' has won, even in California," said David Kanevsky, research director for American Viewpoint, a Republican firm that co-directed the bipartisan poll. "Stimulus is almost a four-letter word here."

With California unemployment mired at 12 percent, the electorate is clearly dissatisfied with the status quo. Nearly 3 in 4 voters say the country is on the wrong track, up sharply from the 55 percent who felt that way in November 2009.
This is one more indication of how devastating it has been for the Obama Administration to heavily reinforce the Republican/Herbert Hoover narrative on the virtues of austerity economics during a depression.

David Siders, Obama approval rating plummets in California, poll finds McClatchy Newspapers 09/14/2011. It discusses the results of a Field Poll, considered one of the best for California:

Though Obama is strongly favored to win California in his re-election bid next year, the poll suggests many Democrats may vote for him only begrudgingly, and it is yet another indication of weakening support nationwide.

"When you're seeing vulnerability in a state like California, I think that really is ominous for his national standing," Field Poll director Mark DiCamillo said. ...

Obama's decline has been quick and widespread: As little as three months ago, his approval rating in California was 54 percent. Since June, his rating has suffered double-digit percentage drops among Democrats, nonpartisans, Central Valley residents, men, African Americans, Asian Americans and voters over 65.
This is a really serious decline. And I'm afraid that by sticking to austerity economics, even though he just proposed a jobs plan that even if passed in full wouldn't give a great boost to the economy, Obama may have already fatally undercut his chance to build a coherent winning narrative against the Republicans. Because it's become difficult to believe that Obama won't eventually cave in to Republicans even on issues he claims to see as vital.

David Siders, Field Poll: Californians' view of Congress drops to record low Sacramento Bee 09/16/2011 shows how this discontent can affect the down-ticket races as well, not just Obama's re-election prospects:

Battered by the failing economy and its own partisan gridlock, Congress' standing among California voters has fallen to an all-time low.

Even four-term Democratic Sen. Dianne Feinstein can't escape the slide, according to a new Field Poll. A plurality of voters is now disinclined to re-elect her next year. ...

Just 9 percent of California voters approve of the job Congress is doing, the poorest assessment since Field started polling on the question 20 years ago. Eighty-six percent of California voters disapprove of the job Congress is doing, according to the poll.
If our press weren't so busy trying to cover politics as a celebrity game show, we would be seeing many articles speculating whether such a level of cynicism meant that democratic institutions as such were suffering an alarming loss of public confidence and support. Siders:

Though California voters have become increasingly displeased with Congress in recent years, never before has the legislative body seen its approval rating in single digits.

As recently as March, 17 percent of California voters approved of the job Congress was doing.

The poll is yet another mark of dissatisfaction nationwide with President Barack Obama and Congress, with widespread disappointment in Washington's handling of the economy and unemployment. Less than half of California voters approve of the job Obama is doing.
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Friday, September 16, 2011

September 11 retrospective: The Dissent symposium (1 of 2)

Dissent has a set of online posts dated 09/08/2011 called, Symposium: Ten Years Later on the 9/11 attacks and their effects.

Dissent is a magazine that began as consciously social-democratic. Which means their domestic policy perspective tended to be on the left of the Democratic Party or even outside what would be considered respectable Democratic Party opinion. But they were also pro-Cold War and anti-Communist. And that combination during the Cold War often meant in practice that they were tempted to go the extra mile to show that they were reliably anti-Communist and suspicious of any kind of activism that may have carried a “Communist” taint in the eyes of good Cold War liberals.

It was an annoying habit during the Cold War and even more annoying now. A couple of the articles linked below have a residue of that tone. You can see self-descriptions of Dissent’s self-understanding in Mitchell Cohen, Decades of Dissent Dissent Winter 2004 and in this excerpt from their first issue, in the peak year of McCarthyism, 1954.

It sometimes hard to distinguish this don’t-associate-me-with-those-bad-leftist perspective from neoconservatism. The latter’s intellectual perspective evolved from 1930s American Trotskyism, particularly a brand popular among some intellectuals around the New School for Social Research, where their intellectual godfather Leo Strauss was a prominent figure. In its still liberal-left variant, this outlook often comes off as liberal “concern troll” pleading, i.e., scolding those bad libruls or “the Left” for not endorsing this or that Republican position.

Mitchell Cohen, a longtime co-editor of Dissent, gives us an example of that in Ten Years Later: What Should the Left Have Learned? 09/08/2011. Apparently he thinks that a decade after the 9/11 attacks, the main thing “the left” should have learned is that it was a great idea to invade Iraq:

Reducing all politics to “imperialism versus anti-imperialism,” is the gag of Gog and Magog.
Gog and Magog are prominent players in fundamentalist theories of the End of the World. But what he means by the gag of Gog and Magog, I don’t know.
But his piece is devoted to scolding an ill-defined Left for their supposed devotion to the notion of imperialism. But it was the neocons in the post-9/11 period that finally made the concept of “imperialism” respectable in discussing American foreign policy. They typically discussed the US as (an of course benevolent) empire and argued that it should use its power in a self-consciously imperialist manner. Whether that was based more on the residues of Trotskyism or their admiration for their own image of Winston Churchill and the British Empire would be hard to determine. But in a piece that scornfully scolds the Left (whoever he thinks that is) for talking about imperialism, you would think the neocons deserve at least a share of that scolding in passing! (The neocons have been very widely discussed, e.g., Robert Dreyfuss, Just the Beginning The American Prospect 04/01/2003; Andrew Bacevich, New Boys in Town: The Neocon Revolution and American Militarism TomDispatch.com 04/22/2005; Jim Lobe and Michael Flynn, The Rise and Decline of the Neoconservatives Right Web 11/16/2006.)

Other than having his head stuck in Cold War-era polemics, Cohen’s view of 9/11 and the Iraq War it was used to justify doesn’t vary from the neocons’ in any way that’s internally evident:

Things don’t—history doesn’t—work so simply. The United States, in response to the attacks of September 11, launched and botched an invasion of Iraq, in part with spurious rationales. Yet one day researchers may reach interesting conclusions about the long-term impact on the Arab world of TV images that showed a disheveled, once swaggering dictator crawl out of a hole. Stable democracy will probably not be the long-term result of the recent Arab upheavals or of the American misadventure in Iraq, but the fate of Baghdad's strong man certainly showed that his like is not invincible. Bin Laden's version of jihad and his organization suffered severe setbacks in the year leading to the anniversary of September 11. These were due both to U.S. forces — most important, the killing of bin Laden — and the fact that al Qaeda had no role in the dramatic changes in the Middle East. But these do not preclude a region in which a different kind of extremism, that of the Muslim Brotherhood, functions as superego. And one person’s religious fanaticism is also not another person’s democracy. [my emphasis]
The rationales for the invasion of Iraq were Saddam’s nonexistent "weapons of mass destruction" and his nonexistent ties to Al Qa'ida and specifically to the 9/11 attacks. They weren’t spurious "in part." They were entirely false. Cohen’s triumphalist treasuring of the image of Saddam’s capture clearly pleases him. And, with our sports-event coverage of war, no doubt it please most Americans. But if we’re going to consider the supposed value of that image as a justification for the Iraq War, we have to take into account the many other iconic images of that war and the realities they depict: the prisoners being tortured at Abu Ghuraib; the city of Fallujah flattened; the civilian dead from American raids; the disgraceful propaganda sideshow around the rescue of Jessica Lynch.

Whatever discrediting value the capture footage may have had on Saddam’s image, which wasn’t very good in the Arab world to begin with, whatever “interesting conclusions” those future researchers may draw from it, there were also the images of: Saddam being displayed for the cameras having a medical examination, a violation of laws of war against displaying prisoners as trophies; Saddam in court, defending himself in what amounted to a kangaroo court proceeding; Saddam maintaining a dignified posture at his own hanging, while his executions screamed insults with him, not bothering to treat his death as anything other than a revenge killing.

For that matter, at least some viewers must have taken the footage of Saddam’s capture not only as evidence of his final defeat, but also as evidence that he was willing to get out in the dirt literally as a resistance fighter, though he was likely more of a fugitive than a fighter then. Superficial triumphalist rhetoric leads to sloppy and arrogant thinking on foreign policy.

Finally, Cohen’s comments on Al Qa’ida are strange. If we define Al Qa’ida as Osama bin Laden’s original organization, it doesn’t seem to me from what I’ve read and heard on them that they had more than a marginal existence in the last year. And was Bin Laden’s death especially significant? In imagery, yes. In substantive effect on the real existing terrorist problem? Or on the United States' understanding of its foreign policy? Or on the Pentagon's and the domestic national security establishments' estimations of their budgetary needs? The answer seems to be no for all three.

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Thursday, September 15, 2011

Saudi Arabia warns US on Palestine UN vote: political theater or serious warning?

From Aljazeera English 09/15/2011:



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Rick Perry's best Christian Right buds thinking book-burning is a great idea (and while you're at it burn them thar Virgin Mary statues, too)

Savonarola: the Rick Perry of the 1490s?

C. Peter Wagner, chief Apostle of the New Apostolic Reformation (NSR) prominently backing Texas Gov. Goodhair Perry's Republican Presidential bid, doesn't much like being called part of America's own Taliban.

But, as Bruce Wilson writes in Burning Buddhas, Books, and Art: Meet The New Apostolic Reformation Talk to Action 09/14/2011, they share the Taliban's enthusiasm for destroying religious artifacts they consider offensive. And they have a very expansive definition of what such artifacts are.

Apostle Wagner has repeated invoked a book-burning in Florence, Italy by Savonarola (Girolamo Savonarola, 1452-1498), an ascetic monk who was a forerunner of the Protestant Reformation. The Catholic Encyclopedia of 1913 describes him this way:

The French king, whom Savonarola at the head of an embassy of Florentines had visited at Pisa, now entered the city. After the king's departure a new and peculiar constitution, a kind of theocratic democracy, was established at Florence, based on the political and social doctrines the Dominican monk [Savonarola] had proclaimed. Christ was considered the King of Florence and protector of its liberties. A great council, as the representative of all the citizens, became the governing body of the republic and the law of Christ was to be the basis of political and social life. Savonarola did not interfere directly in politics and affairs of State, but his teachings and his ideas were authoritative. The moral life of the citizens was regenerated. Many persons brought articles of luxury, playing-cards, ornaments, pictures of beautiful women, the writings of pagan and immoral poets, etc., to the monastery of San Marco; these articles were then publicly burned. A brotherhood founded by Savonarola for young people encouraged a pious, Christian life among its members. Sundays some of this brotherhood went about from house to house and along the streets to take away dice and cards from the citizens, to exhort luxuriously dressed married and single women to lay aside frivolous ornament. Thus there arose an actual police for regulating morality, which also carried on its work by the objectionable methods of spying and denunciation. The principles of the severe judge of morals were carried out in practical life in too extreme a manner. Success made Savonarola, whose speech in his sermons was often recklessly passionate, more and more daring. Florence was to be the starting point of the regeneration of Italy and the Church. In this respect he was constantly looking for the interposition of Charles VIII for the inner reform of the Church, although the loose life and vague extravagant ideas of this monarch in no way fitted him to undertake such a task. [my emphasis]
Now, Wagner and his Apostolic colleagues in the NAR idolize this guy Savonarola and his book-and-unclean-objects-ritual-burning. But they're nothing like the Taliban, no, nothing at all!!

But the NAR isn't so fond of Savonarola's asceticism, at least not for their religious leaders. They favor instead what they call the "Word of Faith," also known as the Prosperity Gospel, which basically teaches that if you're a good enough Christian, God will make you rich. (No, that cranky Jewish bachelor Jesus of Nazareth who started the Christian religion wasn't enlightened enough to advocate the "Word of Faith." If only he had had inspired Apostles like Wagner and Cindy Jacobs around!

Here is Cindy Jacobs' suggestions for stuff to burn:

There are certain occult items that we are are not to possess. If we own any of the following objects, we need to get rid of them. If the object was at any time worshiped as a god or used in the worship of a false god, then we should burn it or otherwise destroy it.

It is not unusual for tourists to bring home keepsakes from faraway lands that have demonic attachments or are idols. What we often do not realize is that these objects can curse us. For instance, many people purchase African masks that have been used in worship ceremonies. Others buy native art such as Kachina dolls, statues of Hindu gods and statues of Buddha. Back home, havoc starts to reign in the form of --usually the person does not know why these things have happened."
The idea that "sickness, tragedy, depression or marriage break-ups" occur because someone has a statue of Ganesha the Elephant God in their house is just hick superstition. But Gov. Goodhair's supporters in the NAR think that it makes perfect sense.

Apostle Chuck Pierce and Rebecca Wagner Sytsema elaborate their hick "theology" of book-and-other-bad-stuff-burning this way:

Take what can be burned and burn it. If it cannot be burned, pass it through the fire (as a symbolic act of obedience) and then destroy it by whatever other means are available to you such as smashing or even flushing (I have known people to do this with jewelry that cannot be destroyed in other ways)!

Once you have destroyed the object, renounce any participation you or your family have had with that object (whether knowingly or unknowingly) and ask the Lord to forgive you.[...]

Because the legal right for demonic forces linked with that object has been removed through these acts, you can now command any demonic forces linked with that object to leave in the Name of Jesus.

Repeat these steps for every object that needs to go.
Now, in the non-Pentecostal world of conservative Protestantism, and in mainstream Christianity more generally, the idea that you can catch evil spirits from statues is regarded as un-Biblical, even a variety of paganism. The Hebrew Bible (Old Testament to Christians) mocked the false gods as being just pieces of stone that it was foolish to worship. (Contemporary Biblical scholarship sees that as a polemical characterization; the non-Jahwist religions in the ancient Near East regarded statues as symbolic representations of their gods.)

Most contemporary Christians also tend to see belief in demons as literal spiritual entities that can cause physical effects in the material world as bordering on mental illness, if not entirely over that line. This attitude is not without a realistic foundation. Apostles who claim to be receiving clear and literal direct communication from God are likely to be some brand of sociopath, whether or not they believe their own claims. Followers who defer to their official Apostles and Prophets for guidance on what the Lord's immediate will is free themselves from having to interpret their own messages from God. But this kind of Christian Pentecostal faith almost certainly facilitates the manifestation of clinical pathologies in followers, as well. If your belief system strong encourages the notion that your weird dreams or the hallucinations of space aliens you're seeing may be direct messages from God or the Devil, or the result of your being infected by an evil spirit, it's easy to imagine that that such a believer would be disinclined to seek counseling or medical treatment.

A cat statue: quick, burn it! Smash it! Before we catch a demon from it!

And what would all-American hick theology be without a big dose of good old anti-Catholic bigotry? Pierce and Sytsema on good candidates for burning:

Buddhas... Hindu images; fertility gods or goddesses (or any type of god or goddess); Egyptian images; Greek gods; gargoyles; kachina dolls, totem poles, or any other native figure that depicts or glorifies a "spirit" or demonic being; evil depictions of creatures such as lions, dogs, dragons, cats, or any other creature made with demonic distortions; or any other image of any person, idol, god, or demonic figure which is considered an object of worship or spiritual power in any culture of the world...

A commonly seen item in the United States that falls into this category is images of the Virgin Mary, who is often worshiped by many as an equal to Jesus. C. Peter Wagner calls the worship of Mary a "deceptive adaptation" by the Queen of Heaven, a high-ranking demonic principality, to gain worship that should belong to God. [my emphasis]
The Savonarola model as described in the article above is probably a good way to think of the NAR/Christian Right approach: "Savonarola did not interfere directly in politics and affairs of State, but his teachings and his ideas were authoritative." In the formally segregated South, the more proximate model for the Christian Right's notion of godly government, African-American citizen's weren't formally denied the vote. But it was largely denied in practice via legal barriers, voter fraud (the real kind), and extra-legal violence and intimidation. If you interpret the Constitution as much of the Christian Right does as enacting Christianity as the law of the land, you don't need to formally amend to have a de facto theocracy, if enough of the Congress and the courts go along with the notion.

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Wednesday, September 14, 2011

Bold apostolic leader Peter Wagner mealy-mouths about his New Apostolic Reformation

One at least partially constructive result of Texas Gov. Rick "Goodhair" Perry's run for the Presidency is that it has brought new and broader media attention to the "neo-Pentecostal" New Apostolic Reformation (NAR), a stealth religious denomination led by chief apostle C. Peter Wagner which prominently supported Gov. Goodhair's pre-announcement prayer event.

Wagner isn't entirely happy with the newfound attention. Being an Apostle and all, he wants to see his apostolic message presented in the most favorable light. So he has done a defense of his movement in The New Apostolic Reformation Is Not a Cult Charisma News 08/24/2011.

Not to question his Apostolic marketing savvy or anything. But if you want to present a defense of your controversial movement for the press and general public, framing it as We're Not A Cult doesn't seem like the most promising way to go about it.

But his piece offers a good example of far-right and Christian nationalist messaging. Not surprisingly, it's in the white-people's-whine tone so popular in those political precincts: them mean libruls is pickin' on us! This victim posturing is chronic to present-day American conservatism. Frank Schaeffer calls its more religious various the Jesus Victims posture.

Wagner also uses the self-defense that Christian Right groups have used since they took shape in the late 1970s in their current form. They make two claims simultaneously: we're really really important, and we're actually pretty insignificant. The former claim is aimed at their supporters, the latter at everyone else.

Apostle Wagner cites a blog post by Marsha West at a site called Forgotten World Ministries, Texas Governor's Upcoming Leadership Event Includes Cult Members 08/03/2011. The article is clearly written from a conservative Protestant point of view, and she does mean the NAR when she talks about cult elements in Perry's prayer rally support.

There are cultish aspects of the NAR's practice. But West doesn't make much of a case for considering the NAR as a cult, and I wouldn't use that term for the NAR. But her description of them as a cult seems to be based on this claim: "The NAR believes that God is restoring the lost offices of Prophet and Apostle and that the modern-day apostles and prophets are gifted with the same gifts as the New Testament era Apostles." This is a red flag for observers of cults and those familiar with abusive practices by religious leaders. These NAR leaders claiming those titles not only claim to receive direct messages from God in the forms of auditory and visible manifestations. They also claim direct authority within their religious world based on their claimed status as Apostles and Prophets.

By contrast, the Catholic Church and Protestant denominations generally have formal requirements for ministers. And they have various procedures that can be used to address misconduct by ministers that don't require direct supernatural guidance from the Almighty. The kind of claim the NAR leaders make to divine authority are very legitimate concerns for anyone looking at their movement.

Before reading Wagner's polemic, it may be helpful to read Rachel Tabachnick, C. Peter Wagner's Response to Increased Exposure of the New Apostolic Reformation Talk to Action 09/09/2011. She points out that he Apostolically misrepresents the nature of the criticism to which he is responding in several recent defenses, presumably including the one cited here: "Wagner claims that the criticisms of the NAR are coming from the secular and liberal press, but proceeds to counter the accusations that have come from conservative evangelicals and Fundamentalists."

In the Charisma News article I linked, he cites West's article by name and also a Paul Rosenberg piece at Aljazeera English called America's own Taliban 07/28/2011. Rosenberg is Senior Editor of a left-leaning California alternative paper, Random Lengths News. In the Republican alternative universe, Aljazeera is "leftwing" all by itself. Apparently he considers West a leftist, too. Because he introduces the two references saying, "The best I can discern, the NAR has become a tool in the hands of certain liberal opponents of the conservative candidates designed to discredit them on the basis of their friendship with certain Christian leaders supposedly affiliated with the NAR. To bolster this attempt, they seek to accuse the NAR of teaching false doctrine and paste on it the label of 'cult.'" (Them libruls are persecutin' us nice Christian white folks!)

Actually, conservative evangelicals not associated with the NAR probably also qualify as libruls/leftists/socialists in Wagner's view. After all, the NAR considers their churches to be controlled by demons.

Wagner argues, on the one hand, that the NAR hardly exists at all:

I am rather fascinated at the lists of individuals whom the media glibly connects with the NAR. I'm sure that some of them wouldn’t even recognize the term. In many cases, however, they would fit the NAR template, but since the NAR has no membership list they themselves would need to say whether they consider themselves affiliated or not.
On the other hand, in the two preceding paragraphs, he contends that the NAR is a world-historical phenemenon:

The roots of the NAR go back to the beginning of the African Independent Church Movement in 1900, the Chinese House Church Movement beginning in 1976, the U.S. Independent Charismatic Movement beginning in the 1970s and the Latin American Grassroots Church Movement beginning around the same time. I was neither the founder nor a member of any of these movements, I was simply a professor who observed that they were the fastest growing churches in their respective regions and that they had a number of common characteristics.

If I was going to write about this phenomenal move of the Holy Spirit, I knew I had to give it a name. I tried "Postdenominational" but soon dropped it because of the objections of many of my friends who were denominational executives. Then, in 1994, I tested "New Apostolic Reformation." "Reformation" because the movement matched the Protestant Reformation in world impact; "Apostolic" because of all the changes the most radical one was apostolic governance, which I'll explain in due time; and "New" because several churches and denominations already carried the name "apostolic," but they did not fit the NAR pattern. Other names of this movement which are more or less synonymous with NAR have been "Neopentecostal," "Neocharismatic," "Independent," or "Nondenominational." [my emphasis]
It hardly exists. But it's as important as the Protestant Reformation. Welcome to the mealy-mouthed world of the contemporary Apostles.

As the diligent folks at Talk to Action and Religion Dispatches have documented, the NAR headed by Wagner isn't organized formally as a denomination. But in fact it is a network of "independent churces" that functions as a denomination. Wagner in the linked article lists some of the distinctive features of their beliefs. Here's how he describes the NAR's structure at the end:

Some of the authors I read expressed certain frustrations because they found it difficult to get their arms around the NAR. They couldn’t find a top leader or even a leadership team. There was no newsletter. The NAR didn’t have an annual meeting. There was no printed doctrinal statement or code of ethics. This was very different from dealing with traditional denominations. The reason behind this is that, whereas denominations are legal structures, the NAR is a relational structure. Everyone is related to, or aligned, with an apostle or apostles. This alignment is voluntary. There is no legal tie that binds it. In fact, some have dual alignment or multiple alignment. Apostles are not in competition with each other, they are in cahoots. They do not seek the best for themselves, but for those who choose to align with them. If the spotlight comes on them, they will accept it, but they do not seek it.
What he doesn't emphasize is that this "relational structure" is based on specific, sweeping claims of divine authority and functions in a distinctly authoritarian manner.

He argues that they don't advocate theocracy. He just wants:

... to have kingdom-minded people in every one of the Seven Mountains: Religion, Family, Education, Government, Media, Arts & Entertainment, and Business so that they can use their influence to create an environment in which the blessings and prosperity of the Kingdom of God can permeate all areas of society.
Religious scholars distinguish between "theocracy" and "theonomy." But both mean what most people would think of as theocracy: specific religious values dominanting government and the law, with the preferred religion given actual preference.

I'll close with a comment on the Christian theology of the NAR, in particular their demon-hunting. Without trying to add the qualifications that history has presented, the basic Christian theological concept of magic is that magic represents an attempt by humans to conjure God into doing what they want. In mainstream Christianity and even in much of conservative Protestant thinking, people can pray to God to meet their needs. But God does what he wants to do; he isn't subject to control by human prayer or conjuring.

The NAR makes claims not only about faith-healing, which itself pushes into the realm of superstition. They believe that their exorcisms can affect demons, which they conceive of in horror-movie terms as real entities with magical powers, can effect physical changes in the world. By which I mean physical changes not directly involved with the exorcism procedures themselves. And exorcism is a central feature of the NAR faith and practice. As Wagner writes: "One critic claimed that the NAR has excessive fixation on Satan and demonic spirits. This is purely a judgment call, and it may only mean that we cast out more demons than they do. So what?" That's cute: "One critic" says this. Actually, it's a very obvious and very obviously problematic aspect of the NAR Apostolic belief system.

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Obama's trial balloon to Democrats: let's just commit Party suicide

Headline on an article by Stephanie Kirchgaessner and James Politi: Obama to propose Medicare and Medicaid cuts Financial Times 09/13/2011.

The could have titled it, "Obama proposes the dissolution of the Democratic Party."

The headline only mentions Medicare and Medicaid. But the article also says that Obama plans to cut Social Security benefits via the "chained CPI" subterfuge.

Hell, with this kind of approach, it would be easier if he just convened the Democratic National Committee and have them vote to just dissolve the Democratic Party.

The way it's going, Obama will be speaking FOXisms and calling it the "Democrat Party" before we know it!

Michele Bachmann during Monday's TeaNN (CNN/Tea Party cosponsored) candidates' debate said, "President Obama stole over $500 billion out of Medicare to switch it over to Obamacare." That was a lie. But the point is that she used Obama's proposed savings to Medicare resulting from the provisions of the Affordable Care Act to bash him for cutting Medicare. Even though even one of the Republicans candidates on stage indicated in some form they wanted to cut benefits from Social Security and Medicare, they will use Obama's proposed cuts against him in the 2012 campaign.

They don't have to convince voters that their plans on Social Security and Medicare are better than Obama's. They just have to blur the differences between his cuts and theirs to deprive him of an advantage on the issue. And blurring differences with the Republicans is something that Obama has certainly be willing to do on his own initiative.

It's tragic that the Republican Party of Abraham Lincoln has become the John Calhoun Party. But for the Democratic Party of Andrew Jackson and Thomas Jefferson to become the Party of Herbert Hoover: that is catastrophic.

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Tuesday, September 13, 2011

How effective was Osama bin Laden's strategy from 2001?

This Al Jazerra English report dated 09/11/2011, The 9/11 Decade - The Clash of Civilizations?, looks at Al Qa'ida and Bin Laden's strategy of launching an active "clash of civilizations" in the sense that Samuel Huntington had postulated.



This report seems to use "Al Qa'ida" in an expansive sense to include not only those who were a part of Osama bin Laden's core organization but also those who were directly influenced by him. They do make the case convincingly that the American invasion of Iraq set off widespread hostility in the Muslim world and radicalized many Muslims against the United States.

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For Obama to be seen as a defender of Social Security, he probably has to, you know, defend Social Security

I mentioned the other day that Mark Shields in last Friday's appearance on the PBS Newshour talked like he was oblivious to the fact that President Obama in the debt ceiling negotiations this year proposed cuts to Social Security and Medicare. Or to the fact that Obama in his Thursday job speech against suggested cuts to Medicare. Or that Obama's push to get even more savings from the "Super Congress" than is already mandated will almost certainly involve Obama again proposing large cuts to "entitlements," i.e., Social Security and Medicare.

Now I'm starting to think it's a clumsy talking point being promoted by the Democratic Party, after seeing Ed Kilgore's Why the Perry-Romney Slugfest Plays Right Into Obama’s Hands The New Republic 09/12/2011. He argues that Perry's hardline on cutting Social Security will help Obama with his preferred re-election framing:

... there is a more subtle but possibly even more significant additional consequence of Republicans arguing over whether to demolish or merely slash Social Security and Medicare [that how it affects the Republican primaries]: It will materially aid Barack Obama's high-stakes effort to make the 2012 presidential election a choice between two very different visions of American government, rather than a referendum on his administration and its handling of the economy. [my emphasis]
Now Kilgore does allude to Obama's own electoral problems on Social Security and Medicare:

So long as the president does not pull the trigger on a deficit reduction deal with congressional Republicans on Social Security and Medicare that could blur these differences, the Romney-Perry battle could crucially change the nature of the general election. And the invisible primary’s focus on Social Security and Medicare is likely to become even more intense tonight, as the Republican candidates hold another debate in senior-rich Florida. Every moment they spend sparring over the New Deal and Great Society is a boon to Barack Obama. Even if the incumbent cannot win a referendum on his own presidency, he can win a competition between the ghost of Barry Goldwater and the ghosts of FDR and LBJ. [my emphasis]
This sounds like major wishful thinking to me. Obama can only make Social Security and Medicare strong points in his favor if he can really present a sharp contrast between himself and the Republicans on the issue. Unless he suddenly morphs into a New Deal Democrat he's never been - and morphs really soon - he's not going to be able to make a credible case as a defender of those two major programs he himself has proposed to cut.

Today's Republicans have no problem at all with the most screaming hypocrisy in their campaigning. They campaigned in 2010 on Medicare cuts that Obama hadn't proposed making, and it was a successful issue for them. To get there, they misrepresented the projected Medicare savings under the Affordable Care Act as cuts.

In 2012, they will be able to accuse Obama - this time truthfully! - with proposing cuts to Social Security and Medicare. Most voters, hell, most reporters, aren't going to parse their claims closely enough to have a good sense of which set of cuts will be worse. As long as the Republicans can blur the issue of whether they or Obama is proposing more cuts to Social Security and Medicare, that will prevent Obama's campaign from making it a decisive issue in their favor.

This is bewildering. If Obama is counting on Social Security and Medicare to be decisive issues to offset the drag on his campaign of depression conditions in unemployment, he can only make that work by becoming a hardline defender of Social Security and Medicare. He's not going to do that by continuing to fetishize the deficit and blathering about "strengthening for the future" Social Security and/or Medicare.

As Stephen Walt reminds us in A one-term president? Foreign Policy 09/06/2011:

... there's a lot of solid political science research showing that incumbent presidents have a very tough time when the economy is in the doldrums, and it's hard for me to see how Obama can get things moving again, especially when the GOP leadership has every incentive to thwart his efforts, even if it means keeping Americans out of work for another year or so.
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Monday, September 12, 2011

Covert operations and the mystique of 9/11

One of the things I learned from the recent reflections on the 9/11 attacks, both those of others and writing my own, is what a large role 9/11 plays as a reference point in our political discourse. And because that is the case the meaning of "9/11" in American political life cannot be separated from the practical applications of the official and unofficial understandings of 9/11. Including the Afghanistan and Iraq Wars and the state of permanent war in which we effectively entered with the invasion of Afghanistan.


Columnist David Ignatius, an enthusiastic cheerleader for invading Iraq, writes in The covert commander in chief Washington Post 09/08/2011, a puff piece for the White House, praises President Obama as our James Bond-in-chief which plays heavily on "9/11" themes like the killing of Osama bin Laden:

Obama is the commander in chief as covert operator. The flag-waving "mission accomplished" speeches of his predecessor aren't Obama's thing; even his public reaction to the death of bin Laden was relatively subdued. Watching Obama, the reticent, elusive man whose dual identity is chronicled in "Dreams From My Father," you can't help wondering if he has an affinity for the secret world. He is opaque, sometimes maddeningly so, in the way of an intelligence agent.

Intelligence is certainly an area where the president appears confident and bold. James Clapper, the director of national intelligence who has been running spy agencies for more than 20 years, regards Obama as "a phenomenal user and understander of intelligence." When Clapper briefs the president each morning, he brings along extra material to feed the president's hunger for information.
The President wrapping himself in his role of Protector Of The Nation is nothing new. They all do it to some extent, and understandably so.

But the sprawling scope of intelligence and other activities on "the dark side," as Dick Cheney called it, is toxic to democracy and to a great extent to sound foreign policy as well. Most of those activities can be presented in the romantic mystique of Ignatius' column on when kept secret. That's especially true of "black ops." One of the most striking things about James Prados' excellent history of the CIA's covert operations - a distinct function from intelligence gathering and analysis - Safe for Democracy: The Secret Wars of the CIA (2006), is how inept and dumbly risky even some of the greatest CIA covert-ops success story actually were, like the coups in Iran and Guatemala in early the 1950s. If columnists like Ignatius were actually researching and reporting on some of the current dubious activities of that sort instead of comparing the President to John Le Carré's fictional hero George Smiley, they would be doing the country a much greater service.

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Krugman sees the euro as being in dire straits at the moment

Paul Krugman thinks the days of the euro may be numbered. In small numbers. He writes in Starkness Falls 09/10/2011:

Did the euro just enter its death throes?

OK, I know that sounds over the top, and I hope it is. But recent developments are really, really bad.
The German government is slowly, far too slowly, is beginning to take practical account of the fact that Greece is not able to pay off the full principal of their sovereign debt. (Schuldenmisere: Schäuble bereitet sich auf Griechenland-Pleite vor Spiegel Online 10.09.2011) Faced with a seriously shrinking economy thanks to the brutal austerity measure imposed on them by the EU, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund, the Greek government is now signalling that it will not be able to satisfy the latest round of growth-killing measures demanded of it.

The exit of Greece from the euro wouldn't necessarily mean the end of the currency. But it would be a huge step in that direction. The current state of affairs with the euro has been a tremendous failure of European leadership. In The Spanish Prisoner 09/11/2011, Krugman shows that Spain's sovereign debt burden is less than Britain's. Excessive debt as such is not the problem for any of the EU "periphery" countries currently under attack by the bond markets, except for Greece. There he writes:

What's needed, clearly, is for Europe — and ultimately that probably means the ECB — to provide for Spain and Italy the kind of backstop countries with their own currencies can provide for themselves. Without that, the whole euro system is at risk of unraveling, not over the course of years, but over the course of a few weeks.
It will be a tragedy if the euro fails. If the EU is wrecked or permanently weakened in the process, as it is likely to be, that will be an even greater tragedy.

Krugman also deals with this in his column An Impeccable Disaster New York Times 09/11/2011:

Financial turmoil in Europe is no longer a problem of small, peripheral economies like Greece. What’s under way right now is a full-scale market run on the much larger economies of Spain and Italy. At this point countries in crisis account for about a third of the euro area’s G.D.P., so the common European currency itself is under existential threat.

And all indications are that European leaders are unwilling even to acknowledge the nature of that threat, let alone deal with it effectively.
Herbert Hoover economics is wrecking the The European as well as the American economy. Even Britain, which still has the pound its own currency and is therefore not immediately impacted by the euro crisis, is frittering away that advantage by austerity economics.

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Sunday, September 11, 2011

September 11 retrospective: "Jueves" de La Oreja de Van Gogh

When I think of the song that most speaks to me in terms of remembering the 9/11 attacks and the terrible losses there, this is the one that comes to mind. It's actually a remembrance of a similar event in Spain, the March 11, 2004 terrorist attack on the Madrid subway. To me, it strikes just the right tone of sadness and tragedy but at the same time manages to be affirming of life and hope.



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September 11 retrospective: From the Twin Towers to Baghdad (2 of 2)

In my previous post on this topic, I discussed how the concept of terrorism as state-sponsored terrorism combined with American triumphalism to enable Dick Cheney and the Cheney-Bush Administration to embark on the disastrous course of preventive war in Iraq.

I quoted Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon in The Age of Sacred Terror (2002) on how the post-Cold War belief among the US public that the country "had never been more secure" because "the world had not seen such a dominant power since ancient Rome." That belief not only contributed to the shock of the 9/11 attacks. It also set the stage for a wild overestimation of the ability of the United States to conquer and remake countries like Afghanistan and Iraq.


As Ivo Daalder and James Lindsay explain in America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy (2003), even prior to the 9/11 attacks, George Bush and his foreign policy teams thought of foreign policy in "hegemonist" terms. They describe the particular variant of hegemonist thinking that dominated the Administration as including the following tenets:

  • "The United States lives in a dangerous world" that operates in a Hobbesian fashion; in practice this meant threat inflation, exaggeraing the dangers represented by nation-states like Russia and China.
  • "[S]elf-interested states are the key actors in world politics." This fit comfortably with the idea of terrorism as a problem of state-sponsored terrorism. "The assumption was that terrorists were the creatures of states, and they would wither without state support."
  • They saw military power as the "coin of the realm in a globalized world," i.e., they had a militarized approach to foreign policy. And a unilateralist one, as well. They believed that "if America leads, others will follow," as Daalder and Lindsay put it.
  • They scorned multilateral arrangements: "multilateral agreements and institutions are neither essential nor necessarily conducive to American interests."
  • They operated on the assumption of American exceptionalism: "the United States is a unique great power and others see it as such. ... What Washington wanted was what everyone wanted," as Daalder and Lindsay summarize that view on the Bush team's part.
Daalder and Lindsay:

[C]ritics argued that the Bush strategy suffered from considerable conceptual confusion, which had real policy consequences. Most important, it conflated the notion of preemptive and preventive war. Preemptive wars are initiated when another country is clearly about to attack. Israel's decision to go to war in June 1967 against its Arab neighbors is the classic example.

Preventive wars are launched by states against others before the state being attacked poses a real or imminent threat. "What made war inevitable," the ancient Greek historian Thucydides wrote about the Peloponnesian War, "was the growth in Athenian power and the fear this caused in Sparta." The purpose of initiating war in these circumstances is therefore to stop a threat before it can arise. Israel's strike against Iraq's Osirak reactor in 1981 was one example of preventive war. Cheney's argument that Iraq needed to be struck before it acquired nuclear weapons was another. Much of the Bush rhetoric - including the justification for the Iraq War - was consistent with the notion of preventive war, not preemption. Yet, while preemptive wars have had a long-recognized standing in international law as a legitimate form of self-defense, preventive wars did not. Not surprisingly, a resort to preventive war in the case of Iraq would prove highly controversial.
The 9/11 attacks created the conditions in which the Cheney-Bush Administration could take those concepts to the destructive conclusions they did. How much of that the religious fanatic Osama bin Laden had hoped to produce, it's a reality that the United States has in the last 10 years has done far more damage to our international standing and destruction that Bin Laden had any rational expectation of doing. In that way, Dick Cheney and Osama bin Laden were the perfect partners for one another.

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